“Invitation to Press Conference” – Media Advisory

 ASEAN-UN Workshop: Regional Dialogue II
on “ASEAN-UN Collaboration in Support of the ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation”

From 25 to 26 February, the Government of the Union of Myanmar, the United Nations and the Myanmar Institute for Strategic and International Studies will jointly organise a two-day workshop in Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Government of the Union of Myanmar, H.E. U Wunna Maung Lwin and the Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, Mr. Jeffrey Feltman will host the event, which will also be attended by the Special Adviser of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, Mr. Vijay Nambiar.
Participants will include government officials from ASEAN countries; members of the ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation (AIPR), senior UN officials; and regional experts from strategic think-tanks and civil society organisations.
The workshop is organized within the framework of the implementation of the ASEAN-UN Joint Declaration on Comprehensive Partnership, intended to strengthen ASEAN-UN relations through collaborative activities in the areas of political-security, economic and socio-cultural cooperation as well as cooperation between the ASEAN Secretariat and the United Nations. The workshop aims to discuss collaboration activities related to conflict prevention, preventive diplomacy, pacific settlement of disputes and the maintenance of peace and stability and to identify areas of collaboration for the AIPR and the UN.

The media is cordially invited to Press Conference as per following program;
When – 10:00 AM to 11:00 AM, 25th February 2015
Where – Grand Amara Hotel
No.(5,6), Jade Villa, Dakkhina Thiri Township, Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar
Ph: +95 (67) 810 5174


(Yangon, 18 February 2015): “I am saddened to hear of the attack on a Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) convoy en route between Laukkai and Chin Schwe Haw in northern Shan State on 17 February. Two MRCS volunteers were wounded in the attack. The convoy was carrying civilians from the conflict area in the Kokang self-administered zone to safe areas.

An attack on humanitarian aid workers and on civilians is a violation of International Humanitarian Law. I call on all parties to the conflict to ensure the safety and security of humanitarian staff and remind them of their obligations under International Humanitarian Law, and to allow humanitarian convoys safe passage out of the conflict area.

I am also concerned by reports of thousands of people displaced by fighting between the Government of Myanmar Army and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and other armed groups in the Kokang self-administered zone, north-eastern Shan State.

I appeal to all parties to the conflict to ensure that civilians are protected, and to allow civilians who remain in the conflict zone safe passage out of the Kokang area.”

Statement on behalf of Special Adviser Vijay Nambiar

Statement on behalf of Special Adviser Vijay Nambiar

Today, on Myanmar’s Union Day, a Deed of Commitment was signed by a number of stakeholders in the country, including President U Thein Sein, Speaker Thura U Shwe Mann, Tatmadaw, political parties and Ethnic Armed Organizations. I welcome the commitments made on Union Day to end armed conflict in Myanmar and to resolve grievances through dialogue rather than through armed force and to establish a Union based on democratic and federal principles. This is an historic moment as it is the first time that a President of Myanmar has formally signed a commitment to build a democratic and federal union. We are convinced that President U Then Sein’s declared commitment will further strengthen the reform process in Myanmar and create a conducive environment for the continuing efforts to reach a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement.

As an Observer to the peace dialogue between Union Peace Working Committee (UPWC) and the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), I urge all parties in Myanmar to continue negotiations to reach a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement as also stated in the Deed of Commitment and welcome the courageous and challenging efforts of the UPWC and NCCT to end more than sixty years of armed conflict. Impressive progress has been made in the past four years despite the deep complexities faced by all. At the same time many challenges and concerns remain.

It is my hope and expectation that this commitment will help create a more conducive environment to address the continuing escalation of conflict in Kachin and Shan State and the serious impact it has had on the civilian population. The UN strongly urges all parties involved to urgently continue negotiations, and in particular military-to-military talks, to defuse the situation; implement previous agreements as well as set in place mechanisms to avoid future clashes. Furthermore we urge all parties to address the serious situation faced by the many internally displaced and to ensure their safety and well-being.

We welcome the commitment to start work on a Framework for a Political Dialogue as soon as possible and expect that maximum effort will be made by all parties to ensure that every stakeholder will participate in an inclusive process as soon as possible. The UN and my Office will continue to encourage and support all parties towards the common aim we believe they all share: to achieve lasting peace in Myanmar.


(Yangon, 5 February 2015): “I am deeply concerned about the plight of civilians affected by the fighting in Hpakan Township in Kachin State that started on 14 January 2015. This includes more than 1,000 people who were displaced from Aung Bar Lay village and surrounding areas to Kan See village and more than 1,000 other civilians also affected by the fighting. I appeal to all parties to the conflict to allow the displaced people and other civilians who remain in close proximity to the area of conflict to be permitted to move to a more secure location and to allow for humanitarian assistance to reach this population in the safe areas. I furthermore appeal to all parties to the conflict to ensure that civilians are protected and remind them of their obligations under International Humanitarian Law.”

ကုလသမဂၢ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအေျခအေနဆုိင္ရာ အထူးအစီရင္ခံစာတင္သြင္းသူ၏ သတင္းထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္

Myanmar translation

ကုလသမဂၢ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအေျခအေနဆုိင္ရာ အထူးအစီရင္ခံစာတင္သြင္းသူ၏ သတင္းထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္
၁၆ ရက္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၂၀၁၅

ယေန႔သည္ ကုလသမဂၢ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအေျခအေနဆုိင္ရာ အထူးအစီရင္ခံစာတင္သြင္းသူ အေနျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသို႔လာေရာက္ေသာ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ တရားဝင္ ခရီးစဥ္၏ ေနာက္ဆံုးေန႔ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဤခရီးစဥ္သည္ မတူကြဲျပားျခားနားမႈမ်ား၊ ပထဝီဝင္ဆိုင္ရာ အေျခအေနမ်ား၊ အျမင္မ်ားႏွင့္ အေတြ႕အၾကံဳ မ်ား အေျမာက္အမ်ား ရရွိခဲ့သည့္ ခရီးစဥ္တစ္ခု ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မသည္ အစိုးရအရာရွိမ်ား၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား၊ ဘာသာေရးႏွင့္ လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ အရပ္ဘက္လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္း ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္ခံရသူမ်ားႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအသိုင္းအ၀န္းမွ အဖြဲ႕ဝင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ားသည္ ရိုးသားမႈ၊ ပြင့္လင္းမႈ၊ တစ္ခါတစ္ရံတြင္ စိတ္ခံစားခ်က္ ျပင္းျပမႈတို႔ ရွိခဲ့ပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ အစဥ္သျဖင့္ ရင္းႏွီးေဖာ္ေရြေသာအသြင္ ေဆာင္ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ဤတိုင္းျပည္၏ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတစ္ခုအျဖစ္ ပို၍ ပို၍ ခံစားလာရၿပီး လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား ပိုမို ရရွိခံစားႏိုင္ေစ ေရးအတြက္ သြားေရာက္ေနေသာ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးခရီးစဥ္တြင္ ျမန္မာျပည္သူတို႔ႏွင့္အတူ လက္တြဲပါ၀င္ ခြင့္ အခြင့္အေရး ရရွိလာပါသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအစိုးရ၏ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ဆိုင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢအဖြဲ႕အစည္းတို႔၏ တာဝန္ေက်ပြန္ေသာ ပံ့ပိုးမႈတို႔ မရရွိခဲ့ပါလွ်င္ ကၽြန္မ၏ခရီးစဥ္မွာ ျဖစ္ ေပၚလာႏိုင္စရာအေၾကာင္း မရွိပါ။ အဆိုပါ အဖြဲ႕အစည္း ႏွစ္ရပ္စလံုးအား ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ အထူးပင္ ေက်းဇူးတင္ရွိေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားလိုပါသည္။
ယေန႔တြင္ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ယခုခရီးစဥ္မွ ရရွိလာေသာ အႀကိဳ ေလ့လာေတြ႕ရွိခ်က္ အခ်ဳိ႕ႏွင့္ ကၽြန္မ၏ အရင္တစ္ေခါက္ ခရီးစဥ္ေနာက္ပိုင္း ျဖစ္ေပၚတိုးတက္မႈတုိ႔ကို တင္ျပလိုပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဇူလိုင္လခရီးစဥ္အၿပီး အေထြေထြညီလာခံသုိ႔ တင္ျပခဲ့ေသာ ကၽြန္မ၏ အစီရင္ခံစာထဲတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပ ထားေသာ အဓိကက်သည့္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ နယ္ပယ္က႑မ်ားတြင္ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာေသာ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈတို႔ပါ အထူးစိတ္၀င္စားပါသည္။
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕၌ အင္းစိန္အက်ဥ္းေထာင္သို႔ သြားေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ဦးစိန္သန္း၊ ဦးထင္ေက်ာ္၊ ေဒါက္တာထြန္းေအာင္၊ ဦးေနမ်ဳိးဇင္၊ ဦးေအာင္မ်ဳိးသူ၊ ေနာ္အံုးလွ တို႔ႏွင့္ သီးသန္႔ ေတြ႕ဆံုေမးျမန္းမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ထို႔ေနာက္ တပ္မေတာ္လွည့္ကင္းတစ္ဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုစဥ္ အသတ္ခံခဲ့ရသည့္ ကခ်င္မိန္းမငယ္တစ္ဦး ျဖစ္သည့္ ဂ်ာဆိုင္းအင္ (Ja Seng Ing) ၏ ဖခင္ ဦးဘရန္ေရွာင္း (U Brang Shawng) ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။ လက္ပံေတာင္းအေရးကိစၥႏွင့္ အျခားေသာ ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားအတြက္ ေရွ႕ေနကြန္ရက္အဖြဲ႕မ်ား၊ ေျမယာအခြင့္ အေရး တက္ၾကြလႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ား၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ စုေဝးခြင့္ႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာစီတန္းလွည့္လည္ခြင့္ အက္ဥပေဒအရ စြဲခ်က္တင္ထားခံရေသာသူမ်ားအျပင္ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းခ်ခံရသူမ်ားေရးရာေကာ္မတီ၏ အစိုးရ မဟုတ္ေသာအဖြဲ႕ဝင္အခ်ဳိ႕တို႔ႏွင့္လည္း ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မ၏ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ား တြင္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ား အခြင့္အေရးဆိုင္ရာႏွင့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးဆိုင္ရာ အရပ္ဘက္လႈမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ားလည္း ပါဝင္ပါသည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ကိုပါႀကီး၏ ဇနီး၊ ပုဂၢလိက သတင္းမီဒီယာ အဖြဲ႕ဝင္အခ်ဳိ႕ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢမ်ားအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္၏ အဖြဲ႕ဝင္အခ်ဳိ႕ႏွင့္လည္း ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။ ယေန႔မနက္ခင္းတြင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေကာ္မရွင္၏ ဥကၠ႒ကိုလည္း သြားေရာက္ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။
ေနျပည္ေတာ္၌ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စုဝန္ႀကီး ဦးဝဏၰေမာင္လြင္၊ ကာကြယ္ေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ဒုတိယဝန္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေက်ာ္ညႊန္႔၊ ျပည္ေထာင္စုေရွ႕ေနခ်ဳပ္ ေဒါက္တာထြန္းရွင္၊ သမၼတရံုးဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စုဝန္ႀကီး ဦးစုိးသိန္း၊ သမၼတရံုးဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စုဝန္ႀကီး ဦးေအာင္မင္းႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းဗဟုိဌာနမွ အရာရွိမ်ားအျပင္ လူမႈဝန္ထမ္း၊ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးႏွင့္ ျပန္လည္ေနရာခ်ထားေရး ဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စုဝန္ႀကီး ေဒါက္တာေဒၚျမတ္ျမတ္အုန္းခင္တို႔ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ အလုပ္သမား၊ အလုပ္အကုိင္ႏွင့္ လူမႈဖူလံုေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာနမွ ဒုတိယဝန္ႀကီး ဦးထင္ေအာင္၊ လူဝင္မႈႀကီး ၾကပ္ေရးႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ႔အင္အားဝန္ႀကီးဌာနမွ ဒုတိယဝန္ႀကီး ဦးဝင္းျမင့္၊ ပညာေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ဒုတိယဝန္ႀကီး ဦးသန္႔ရွင္း၊ က်န္းမာေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာနမွ ဒုတိယဝန္ႀကီး ေဒါက္တာဝင္းျမင့္၊ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒဆုိင္ရာ ခံုရံုး ဥကၠဌ ဦးျမသိန္း၊ ျပည္ေထာင္စုေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ေကာ္မရွင္ဥကၠ႒ ဦးတင္ေအး၊ ျပန္ၾကားေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စုဝန္ႀကီး ဦးရဲထြဋ္ႏွင့္ ေျမယာအသံုးခ်မႈ စီမံခန္႔ခြဲေရးဗဟိုေကာ္မတီတို႔ႏွင့္လည္း ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။
ယမန္ေန႔က ေနျပည္ေတာ္၌ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ေကာ္မတီမ်ား ( လႊတ္ေတာ္ေရးရာေကာ္မတီမ်ား၏ ဥကၠ႒ မ်ားႏွင့္ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းေကာ္မတီမ်ား၏ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား)၊ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ေရးရာေကာ္မတီမ်ား (လႊတ္ေတာ္ေရးရာေကာ္မတီမ်ား၏ ဥကၠ႒မ်ား၊ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းေကာ္မတီ၊ တရားဥပေဒ စိုးမိုးေရးႏွင့္ တည္ၿငိမ္ေအးခ်မ္းေရးေကာ္မတီ၊ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္၏ ဥပေဒေရးရာႏွင့္ အထူးကိစၥရပ္မ်ား ဆန္းစစ္ေရးေကာ္မရွင္ႏွင့္ ေျမယာသိမ္းဆည္းမႈ စံုစမ္းေရးေကာ္မရွင္တို႔၏ ဥကၠ႒မ်ား အပါအဝင္) တို႔ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သမၼတ၏ ဥပေဒ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးႏွင့္ စီးပြားေရးအႀကံေပး ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ား၊ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒ ေလ့လာသံုးသပ္ေရး ပူးေပါင္းေကာ္မတီ အဖြဲ႕ဝင္မ်ား၊ တရားသူႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ႏွင့္ ျပည္ထဲေရး ဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စုဝန္ႀကီးတို႔ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္လည္း သီးသန္႔ ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။
ကၽြန္မ၏ ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္းသို႔လည္း သြားေရာက္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ အဆိုပါ ခရီးစဥ္မ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ကၽြန္မ၏ ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္ထဲ၌ အေသးစိတ္ေဖာ္ ျပသြားပါမည္။

စုေဆာင္းရရွိေသာ သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္မ်ားအားလံုးအေပၚ အေျခခံလ်က္ အခ်ဳိ႕ေသာက႑မ်ားတြင္ အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ ယင္း၏ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ားကို တိုးတက္မႈရရွိေအာင္ ဆက္လက္ေဆာင္ ရြက္မႈ ရွိေနသည္မွာ ေသခ်ာသည္ဟု ထင္ျမင္ယူဆပါသည္။ ပညာေရး၊ က်န္းမာေရးေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈႏွင့္ အသက္ေမြးဝမ္းေက်ာင္းမႈလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား တိုးတက္ေကာင္းမြန္ေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္သည့္ အစီအစဥ္မ်ား ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည္ကို ေတြ႕ျမင္ရသည့္အတြက္ ေက်နပ္မိၿပီး၊ ေျမယာႏွင့္ဆက္စပ္သည့္ စီမံကိန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ရပ္ရြာလူထုအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ပိုမို ညိွႏိႈင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး အဆိုျပဳခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ အစိုးရကို ခ်ီးက်ဴးပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မ၏ ယခင္ခရီးစဥ္ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ဦးေက်ာ္လွေအာင္အား ျပန္လည္ လႊတ္ေပးမႈေၾကာင့္လည္း အားရေက်နပ္မိပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ကၽြန္မ၏ ယခင္ခရီးစဥ္ေနာက္ပိုင္း အခ်ဳိ႕ က႑မ်ားတြင္ တိုးတက္မႈမ်ား မေတြ႕ရပါ။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ေျမယာဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးမႈစီမံကိန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ မၾကာခဏဆိုသလို သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္ရရွိမႈ နည္းပါးခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ထိခိုက္ခံစားရေသာ ရပ္ရြာျပည္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ လံုေလာက္ေသာ ညိွႏိႈင္းေဆြးေႏြးမႈ မရွိသည္ကို ေတြ႕ရွိရပါသည္။ အက်ဳိးဆက္အေနျဖင့္ ေပၚထြက္လာ ေသာ အျငင္းပြားမႈမ်ားသည္လည္း အၾကမ္းဖက္ႏွိမ္နင္းမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ၾကံဳခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ေဒသႏၱရအဆင့္၌ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရာတြင္ လံုေလာက္ေသာ စြမ္းရည္ မရွိမႈ သို႔မဟုတ္ လ်စ္လ်ဴရႈထားမႈတို႔ေၾကာင့္ အခ်ဳိ႕ေသာက႑မ်ားတြင္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္သေလာက္ ျဖည့္ဆည္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္မႈ မရွိေၾကာင္းကိုလည္း ေလ့လာေတြ႕ရွိရပါသည္။ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆိုခြင့္ႏွင့္ လြတ္လပ္စြာ စုေဝးခြင့္က႑တြင္ အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္ေသာ ျဖစ္ေပၚမႈမ်ားသည္ ျပန္လည္ဆံုးရံႈးမႈ အႏၱရာယ္ႏွင့္ ၾကံဳေတြ႕ေနရပါသည္။ ဤက႑တြင္ ကၽြန္မ၏ ပထမအႀကိမ္ အစီရင္ခံစာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထား ေသာ ေနာက္ေၾကာင္းျပန္လွည့္မႈ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေခ်ရွိေသာ အရိပ္လကၡဏာမ်ားသည္ ပိုမို အရွိန္ျမန္လာသည္ကို ေတြ႕ရပါသည္။ အဆိုပါကိစၥရပ္မ်ားအား ဦးစားေပးအေနျဖင့္ ေျဖရွင္းရန္ အစိုးရအား တိုက္တြန္းပါသည္။ မတ္လတြင္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေကာင္စီသို႔ တင္သြင္းမည့္ ကၽြန္မ၏အစီရင္ခံစာထဲတြင္ ဤကိစၥရပ္အား ရွင္းလင္းတင္ျပသြားမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္ အခန္းက႑
ကၽြန္မ၏ ပထမအႀကိမ္ ခရီးစဥ္ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္အခန္းက႑ ပြင့္လင္းလာမႈကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္၏ အေရးပါေသာ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈတစ္ရပ္အေနျဖင့္ က်ယ္က်ယ္ ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳၾကသည္ကို သိရွိခဲ့ရပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ဤကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈမ်ားကို ထိန္းသိမ္း ထားရန္အတြက္ဆိုလွ်င္ အေရးႀကီးေသာ စိန္ေခၚမႈမ်ား ရွိေနဆဲျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ အရွိန္အဟုန္ျမွင့္ အားထုတ္ မႈမ်ား လိုအပ္ေၾကာင္းကို အေလးထားေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ပါသည္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာစုေဝးမႈႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ စီတန္းလွည့္ လည္မႈ အက္ဥပေဒ၏ ပုဒ္မ ၁၈ ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ကၽြန္မႏွင့္ ပါဝင္ေဆြးေႏြးသူမ်ားက အထူးတလည္ စိုးရိမ္ ပူပန္မႈမ်ား ရွိေနေၾကာင္းကို သိရွိခဲ့ရပါသည္။
အဆိုပါ စိုးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈမ်ား ဆက္လက္ရွိေနဆဲျဖစ္ၿပီး အေျခအေန ပိုမိုဆိုးဝါးလာႏိုင္သည့္ အရိပ္လကၡဏာ မ်ားလည္း ရွိေနပါသည္။ ေျမယာသိမ္းယူမႈ၊ သဘာဝပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ယိုယြင္းပ်က္စီးမႈႏွင့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံ ဥပေဒဆိုင္ရာ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈတို႔ႏွင့္ စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာစုေဝးမႈႏွင့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈဆိုင္ရာ အခြင့္ အေရးမ်ားကို က်င့္သံုးေဆာင္ရြက္ေသာ ျပည္သူမ်ားအား ဖမ္းဆီးေနမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ တရားစြဲဆိုမႈမ်ားသည္ ကၽြန္မ ၏ ယခင္ခရီးစဥ္ေနာက္ပိုင္း ဆက္လက္ျဖစ္ေပၚေနဆဲျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိပါသည္။ ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵျပသူ မ်ားကို ပုဒ္မ ၁၈ ႏွင့္ ျပစ္မႈဆိုင္ရာဥပေဒတို႔အရ စြဲခ်က္တင္ျခင္း၊ ျပစ္ဒဏ္ခ်မွတ္ျခင္းတို႔ ျပဳလုပ္ေနၿပီး ဖမ္းဆီးခံရသည့္ အေရအတြက္မွာလည္း တိုးပြားလာေနပါသည္။ ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္ ႏွစ္ကုန္ပိုင္းတြင္ တရား၀င္ ကိန္း ဂဏန္းမ်ားအရ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား ၂၇ ဦး အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ထဲတြင္ ရွိေနဆဲ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ေျမယာႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ဆန္႔က်င္ကန္႔ကြက္မႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္စဥ္ကာလအတြင္း က်ဴးေက်ာ္၀င္ေရာက္မႈျဖင့္ စြဲခ်က္တင္ခံရသည့္ လယ္သမား ၇၈ ဦးတို႔ကိုလည္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မ်ားျဖင့္ ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့သည္ဟု ကၽြန္မ ယူဆပါသည္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးျပစ္မႈမ်ားျဖင့္ စြဲခ်က္တင္ခံထားရသည့္ ရာေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာသူမ်ားမွာ လတ္တေလာအခ်ိန္တြင္ ရံုးတင္စစ္ေဆးခံရန္ ေစာင့္ဆိုင္းေနရဆဲျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ယင္းတို႔ထဲတြင္ ယခုႏွစ္တြင္း ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵျပစဥ္ ဖမ္းဆီးခံရသူ အမ်ားအျပား ပါဝင္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရပါသည္။ အေရအတြက္မ်ားမွာ အလြန္အမင္း ဆက္လက္ ျမင့္တက္လ်က္ရွိေနၿပီး ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ဤက႑တြင္ တိုးတက္မႈမ်ား ရရွိေန သည္ဟု မဆိုႏိုင္ပါ။
ကၽြန္မ၏ ယခင္ခရီးစဥ္ ၿပီးဆံုးၿပီးေနာက္ မၾကာမီတြင္ ေျမယာသိမ္းဆည္းမႈ စြပ္စြဲခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ျဖည့္စြက္အေထာက္အထား စာရြက္စာတမ္းမ်ားကို ကၽြန္မအား ေပးအပ္ရန္ ကုလသမဂၢရံုးသို႔ အလာလမ္း တြင္ အဖမ္းခံခဲ့ရေသာ ဦးစိန္သန္းအပါအ၀င္ ပုဒ္မ ၁၈ ျဖင့္ ျပစ္ဒဏ္က်ခံေနရေသာ အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာလအတြင္းက ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ လက္ပံေတာင္းအေရးအခင္းႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံသံရံုးအျပင္ဘက္တြင္ ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵျပခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ အဖမ္းခံခဲ့ရေသာ ေနာ္အံုးလွ၊ ဦးေနမ်ဳိးဇင္ တို႔ႏွင့္လည္း ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။ မိဘတစ္ဦးအေနျဖင့္ သတင္းမွားမ်ားေပးသည္ဟု စစ္တပ္၏ စြပ္စြဲခ်က္မ်ား ျဖင့္ ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရေသာ ဂ်ာဆိုင္းအင္၏ ဖခင္ျဖစ္သူ ဦးဘရန္ေရွာင္း၏အမႈကိုလည္း သိရွိရ၍ စိတ္ထိခိုက္ ခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္တို႔အၾကား တိုက္ခိုက္မႈ တြင္ ၁၄ ႏွစ္ အရြယ္ သမီး ပစ္ခတ္ခံရမႈႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးမႈတစ္ရပ္ ျပဳလုပ္ေပးရန္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အမ်ဳိးသားလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေကာ္မရွင္သို႔ ၄င္းက စာေရးသားေပးပို႔ၿပီးေနာက္ ၄င္း၏အမႈကိစၥ ေပၚေပါက္ လာခဲ့ပါသည္။ ၄င္းအေပၚ တရားရံုး ၾကားနာစစ္ေဆးမႈမ်ား ေဆာင္ရြက္သည့္ ၂ ႏွစ္တာ ကာလအတြင္း ၄င္း၏သမီး ေသဆံုးမႈႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး တရားဝင္ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးမႈ စတင္ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ျခင္း မရွိပါ။
၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္ ႏွစ္အကုန္ပိုင္းတြင္ ယခင္ကဖြဲ႕စည္းခဲ့ေသာ အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား ျပန္လည္စိစစ္ေရးေကာ္မတီကို ဖ်က္သိမ္းခဲ့ၿပီး အဖြဲ႕အဝင္ ၂၈ ဦးပါ၀င္ေသာ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းခ်ခံရသူမ်ားေရးရာေကာ္မတီ တစ္ရပ္ကို အစားထိုးဖြဲ႕စည္းခဲ့ပါသည္။ ယင္းေကာ္မတီတြင္ အားလံုးမဟုတ္ေသာ္လည္း အခ်ဳိ႕မွာ ယခင္ NGO အဖြဲ႕ဝင္မ်ား ပါဝင္ပါသည္။ ယခင္ေကာ္မတီသည္ ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္း ၃ ႀကိမ္သာ ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ၿပီး ျပည္သူ႔အစီရင္ခံစာမ်ား ထုတ္ေဝခဲ့ျခင္း မရွိပါ။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ အဆိုပါေကာ္မတီအသစ္အား ထိေရာက္မႈ ရွိေစေရး၊ အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္ေရးႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေၾကာင္းအရင္းမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ထိန္းသိမ္းျခင္းခံေနရသူမ်ား အားလံုး လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအတြက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးမႈရွိေစျခင္းတို႔ကို အာမခံခ်က္ရွိေစရန္ အစိုးရအား တိုက္တြန္းခဲ့ပါသည္။
လြတ္လပ္မႈရွိၿပီး အေႏွာင္အဖြဲ႕ကင္းေသာ သတင္းမီဒီယာသည္ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္း၏ အေရး ႀကီးေသာ ေနာက္ထပ္အညႊန္းကိန္းတစ္ခု ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ မီဒီယာစီမံခန္႔ခြဲမႈ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲ ေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကို ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနၿပီး၊ အဆိုပါ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ ေပါက္ေျမာက္ေရးအတြက္ ဂ်ာနယ္လစ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေနေၾကာင္း သိရွိရပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္စရာ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားစြာ က်န္ရွိေနပါေသး သည္။ လက္ရွိ ရုပ္သံထုတ္လုပ္မႈဆိုင္ရာဥပေဒ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ေရး လုပ္ငန္းတြင္ ညိွႏိႈင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈမ်ားမွာ လံုေလာက္မႈမရွိေၾကာင္း တင္ျပတိုင္ၾကားမႈမ်ားကိုလည္း လက္ခံရရွိပါသည္။ ထုတ္ေဝေရးႏွင့္ မီဒီယာဥပေဒ မ်ားသည္ လြတ္လပ္ေသာ မီဒီယာကို ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ မလိုအပ္ဘဲ ကန္႔သတ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈ ျဖစ္ ေၾကာင္း စသည့္ စိုးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈမ်ားကိုလည္း တင္ျပၾကပါသည္။
ဂ်ာနယ္လစ္မ်ားမွာ ပံုမွန္ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈမ်ား၊ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ရင္ဆိုင္ၾကံဳေတြ႕ေနရေၾကာင္းလည္း သိရွိခဲ့ ရပါသည္။ ကိုပါႀကီး၏ ဝမ္းနည္းဖြယ္ရာ ေသဆံုးခဲ့ရမႈျဖစ္ရပ္သည္ ယင္းအေျခအေနကို ထင္ဟပ္ေဖာ္ျပ သည့္ ဆိုးရြားေသာ နမူနာတစ္ခု ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အဖမ္းခဲ့ရသည့္ေနာက္ပိုင္း မြန္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ တပ္မေတာ္၏ ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးစခန္းမွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းရင္း ကိုပါႀကီးမွာ ပစ္သတ္ခံ ခဲ့ရသည္ဟု သိရွိရပါသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအမ်ဳိးသား လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေကာ္မရွင္က အဆိုပါ အမႈကိစၥအား စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးမႈတစ္ရပ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ၿပီး ယင္းအမႈကိစၥကို အရပ္ဘက္တရားရံုးတစ္ခုတြင္ စစ္ေဆးရန္ ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ျပစ္မႈဆိုင္ရာ စစ္ေဆးၾကားနာမႈကိစၥမ်ားကို ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈရွိေသာ ပံုစံျဖင့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးကို ဦးစားေပးကိစၥရပ္တစ္ခုအေနျဖင့္ စတင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ အစိုးရအား ေတာင္းဆို ပါသည္။
ထို႔အျပင္ ကၽြန္မ၏ ယခင္ခရီးစဥ္မတိုင္မီကေလးတြင္ ယူနတီဂ်ာနယ္၏ အယ္ဒီတာႏွင့္ သတင္းေထာက္ ၄ ဦးအား အလုပ္ၾကမ္းႏွင့္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၁၀ ႏွစ္ ျပစ္ဒဏ္ခ်မွတ္မႈတြင္လည္း ေလွ်ာ့ေပါ့ေပးမႈမရွိဘဲ ေထာင္သြင္း အက်ဥ္းခ်ထားဆဲျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိခဲ့ရပါသည္။
ဤကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ားသည္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ တာဝန္ယူမႈ/တာဝန္ခံမႈ ေတာင္း ဆိုမႈမ်ားအပါအဝင္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္၏ ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ စိုးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈမ်ားကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ ေျပာဆုိရန္ ဆႏၵရွိသူမ်ားအား ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈႏွင့္ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈမ်ား တိုးပြားလာျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ခိုင္မာေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး လုပ္ငန္းအတြက္ အေျခခံက်သည့္ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆိုမႈကို အေထာက္အကူျပဳရမည့္အစား အဆိုပါျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ားသည္ မိမိလုပ္ရပ္အေပၚ ကိုယ္တိုင္ ဆင္ဆာျဖတ္ ေတာက္မႈႏွင့္ သတိထားေဆာင္ရြက္မႈတို႔ကို အားေပးရာေရာက္ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ အစိုးရအား သေဘာထားကြဲလြဲမႈမ်ားကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆိုခြင့္ႏွင့္ တာဝန္ယူမႈ/တာဝန္ခံမႈအတြက္ ေတာင္းဆိုမႈမ်ားကို အကာအကြယ္ေပးျခင္းႏွင့္ တိုးခ်ဲ႕ေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္းတို႔ကို အာမခံခ်က္ေပးရန္ တိုက္တြန္းခဲ့ပါသည္။ လြတ္လပ္ေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဆိုင္ရာ သတင္းေရးသားမႈမ်ားအတြက္ အခြင့္အလမ္း ရရွိေရးမွာလည္း ၂၀၁၅ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္း အဓိကက်ေသာ စိန္ေခၚမႈတစ္ရပ္ ျဖစ္လာပါလိမ့္မည္။

ေျမယာႏွင့္ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ဆိုင္ရာ ကိစၥရပ္မ်ား
ကၽြန္မ၏ ခရီးစဥ္တစ္ေလွ်ာက္လံုး အထင္အရွားဆံုး ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားမွာ မတရားေျမယာသိမ္းယူမႈ၊ အတင္း အဓမၼႏွင္ထုတ္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ေျမယာအသံုးခ်မႈ မူ၀ါဒဆိုင္ရာ ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္သည့္ တိုင္ၾကားမႈမ်ားျဖစ္ သည္။ အစိုးရဘက္မွ ပါဝင္ေဆြးေႏြးသူမ်ားက ရရွိႏိုင္ေသာ အခြင့္အလမ္းမ်ားကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ ျပည္သူမ်ား အားလံုး အက်ဳိးေက်းဇူး ရရွိခံစားရႏိုင္ေစေရးအတြက္ ေရရွည္တည္တံ့ၿပီး အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ရွိေသာ ေျမယာ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးလုပ္ငန္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ရာတြင္ ေတြ႕ၾကံဳရသည့္ စိန္ေခၚမႈမ်ားကို ရွင္းလင္းတင္ျပခဲ့ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မ အေနျဖင့္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးစီမံကိန္းမ်ား မစတင္မီ သဘာဝပတ္၀န္းက်င္ဆိုင္ရာထိခိုက္မႈ ဆန္းစစ္ခ်က္ (environmental impact assessment) လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ လိုအပ္သည္ဟု ျပ႒ာန္းေပးေသာ ဥပေဒဆိုင္ရာ မူေဘာင္တစ္ရပ္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္မႈကို ခ်ီးက်ဴးၿပီး ထိခိုက္ ခံစားရသည့္ ရပ္ရြာျပည္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ အျပည့္အဝ ညွိႏိႈင္းေဆြးေႏြးရာတြင္ အဆိုပါ မူေဘာင္ႏွင့္အညီ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈရွိစြာ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ ေဆာင္ ရြက္ရန္ တိုက္တြန္းပါသည္။
သို႔ေသာ္ ယင္းသည္ လံုေလာက္မႈမရွိပါ။ အျမင့္ဆံုးအဆင့္မ်ား၌ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္၏ ပါဝင္ပတ္သက္မႈ အပါအဝင္ ေျမယာအျငင္းပြားမႈမ်ားကို လြတ္လပ္စြာႏွင့္ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈရွိစြာ ေျဖရွင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ အေရးတႀကီး လိုအပ္ေနသလို၊ လယ္သမားမ်ား၏ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားႏွင့္ တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ေနသူမ်ား၏ တာဝန္ဝတၱရား မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္မ်ား၊ ပိုမိုမွ်ေဝေပးရန္လည္း လိုအပ္ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မ၏ခရီးစဥ္ အတြင္း ေျမယာ အေရာင္းအဝယ္ ျဖစ္ထြန္းမႈႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ၾကားသိခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ဆိုလိုသည္မွာ ေျမယာ တန္ဖိုးမ်ား အလြန္အမင္း တိုးတက္လာၿပီး ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားအတြက္ အလြယ္တကူ အျမတ္အစြန္း ရရွိ ႏိုင္သည့္ ထူးကဲေသာ အခြင့္အလမ္းမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚေစပါသည္။ လက္ရွိ ရွိေနေသာ ဥပေဒမ်ားႏွင့္ စနစ္မ်ား သည္ လယ္သမားမ်ားအား ေခါင္းပံုျဖတ္ရန္ အခြင့္အလမ္း ဖန္တီးေပးၿပီး လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္း ပဋိပကၡ မ်ား တိုးပြားေစကာ အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ ရရွိႏိုင္ေသာ ေျမယာမ်ား သိမ္းယူမႈကို အေထာက္အကူျဖစ္ေစသည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ဤကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးစီမံကိန္းမ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္ရန္ သို႔မဟုတ္ ေဝဖန္ရန္ ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားအ တြက္ ခက္ခဲပါသည္။
ေက်းလက္ေဒသရွိ လယ္သမားမ်ားႏွင့္ ၿမိဳ႕ျပေဒသ ေနထိုင္သူမ်ားက ၄င္းတို႔၏ အိုးအိမ္မ်ားႏွင့္ အသက္ေမြး ဝမ္းေက်ာင္းလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ဆံုးရံႈးမႈအတြက္ ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵျပမႈ ေဆာင္ရြက္သည့္အေပၚ အလြန္အက်ဴး အင္ အားအသံုးျပဳမႈဆိုင္ရာ အမႈကိစၥအမ်ားအျပားကိုလည္း ၾကားသိခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ေျမယာသိမ္းယူမႈမ်ားကို ကန္႔ကြက္ ဆႏၵျပသူ အမ်ားအျပားတို႔မွာ က်ဴးေက်ာ္ဝင္ေရာက္မႈျဖင့္ စြဲခ်က္တင္ခံရၿပီး ျပင္းထန္သည့္ ေထာင္ခ်အျပစ္ေပးမႈမ်ား ရွိေနသည္ကိုလည္း သိရွိခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ထင္ရွားသည့္ ျဖစ္ရပ္တစ္ခုမွာ လက္ပံ ေတာင္း၌ျဖစ္ပြားေသာ အေရးအခင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ယင္းေဒသတြင္ အဆိုျပဳထားေသာ ေၾကးနီသတၱဳတြင္း စီမံကိန္းကို ဆန္႔က်င္ကန္႔ကြက္သည့္ ဖယ္ရွားခံ ေတာင္သူလယ္သမားမ်ားသည္ ေဒသဆိုင္ရာ အာဏာပိုင္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၏ အလြန္အကၽြံ အင္အားအသံုးျပဳမႈႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ၾကံဳခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵျပသူ အမ်ားအ ျပား ဒဏ္ရာရရွိခဲ့ၿပီး အမ်ဳိးသမီးတစ္ဦးမွာ ေသနတ္ဒဏ္ရာျဖင့္ ေသဆံုးခဲ့ပါသည္။ ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵျပသူအခ်ဳိ႕ ဖမ္းဆီးခံခဲ့ၾကရၿပီး လက္ရွိအခ်ိန္တြင္ ၄င္းတို႔မွာ က်ဴးေက်ာ္၀င္ေရာက္မႈ၊ ဥပေဒႏွင့္ညီညြတ္မႈမရွိေသာ ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵျပမႈမ်ားအတြက္ ရံုးတင္စစ္ေဆးခံကာ ေစာင့္ဆိုင္းေနၾကရပါသည္။
အလားတူပင္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၂ ႏွင့္ ၂၃ ရက္တို႔၌ ဝမ္ေပါင္ စီမံကိန္းအတြက္ ၄င္းတို႔၏ ေျမယာသိမ္းဆည္း ခံရမႈအေပၚ ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵျပသူမ်ားအား ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕က ရာဘာက်ည္ဆံမ်ားျဖင့္ ပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့ၿပီး အျပင္းအထန္ ဒဏ္ရာရရွိမႈမ်ား ရွိခဲ့ပါသည္။ အဆိုပါကိစၥရပ္ႏွင့္ စပ္လ်ဥ္းၿပီး တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ သံရံုးေရွ႕တြင္ ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵျပသူ အမ်ားအျပားမွာ ပုဒ္မ ၁၈ အရ ဖမ္းဆီးခံခဲ့ၾကရပါသည္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေနျဖင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ အမွန္တကယ္အေလးထားသည္ဆို လွ်င္ ယင္း၏ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈေၾကာင့္ ထိခိုက္နစ္နာမႈ ခံစားရေသာ ျပည္သူမ်ားက ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ မေက်နပ္မႈမ်ားကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာၾကားျခင္းကို အေရးယူအျပစ္ေပးမႈမရွိဘဲ ခြင့္ျပဳရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ ေျမယာ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးစီမံကိန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ လံုေလာက္ေသာ ေဆြးေႏြးညိွႏိႈင္းမႈမ်ား ရွိေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ လက္ခံရ ရွိေသာ သေဘာထားတင္ျပမႈမ်ားကို ေကာင္းမြန္စြာ ထည့္သြင္းစဥ္းစားေဆာင္ရြက္မႈရွိေၾကာင္းတို႔ကို တက္ တက္ၾကြၾကြျဖင့္ အာမခံခ်က္ေပးရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အေရးအႀကီးဆံုးအခ်က္မွာ အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ မူ၀ါဒႏွင့္ဆန္႔က်င္သည့္ သေဘာထားအျမင္မ်ား ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာၾကားမႈကို အျပစ္ေပးသည့္ ဥပေဒေၾကာင္း ဆိုင္ရာ နည္းလမ္းမ်ား ဖ်က္သိမ္းေရးကို ဦးတည္ေဆာင္ရြက္ရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။
ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ရပိုင္ခြင့္မ်ားကို အေျခခံေသာ၊ ျပည္သူမ်ားကို ဗဟိုျပဳေသာ ေရရွည္တည္တံ့ခိုင္ျမဲသည့္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္မႈပံုစံတစ္ရပ္ကို အာမခံခ်က္ေပးရန္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးႏွင့္ ရင္းႏွီးျမွဳပ္ႏွံမႈဆိုင္ရာ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ားကို တက္တက္ၾကြၾကြ စီမံခန္႔ခြဲေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးအတြက္ အစိုးရကို ေတာင္းဆိုပါသည္။ အဆိုပါလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ ဆင္းရဲႏြမ္းပါးမႈ ေလွ်ာ့ခ်ေရး၊ မွ်တမႈရွိေသာ အရင္းအျမစ္ ခြဲေဝအသံုးျပဳမႈႏွင့္ ခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံမႈ မရွိေစေရးတို႔ သည္ အဓိကမ႑ိဳင္မ်ားအျဖစ္ ပါဝင္သင့္ပါသည္။ ဥပေဒျပဳေရးဆုိင္ရာ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈသည္ အဆုိပါလုပ္ငန္း စဥ္ကို အေထာက္အကူျပဳႏိုင္သလို အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕ အဆင့္အားလံုး၌ စိတ္ေနသေဘာထားမ်ားႏွင့္ အျပဳအမူ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ားလည္း လိုအပ္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အလွဴရွင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ရင္းႏွီးျမွဳပ္ႏွံသူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ လည္း ယင္းတုိ႔၏ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးအစီအစဥ္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ အမႈမဲ့အမွတ္မဲ့ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမ်ား မျဖစ္ေပၚ ေစေရး အာမခံခ်က္ေပးရန္ အေရးႀကီးပါလိမ့္မည္။

လူမႈအသိုင္းအ၀န္းမ်ားၾကား အေျခအေန
လူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ားၾကားႏွင့္ ဘာသာေရးအုပ္စုမ်ားၾကား အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ား၊ ႏွစ္မ်ဳိးစလံုး ပါဝင္သည့္ လူမႈအသိုင္း အဝန္းမ်ားၾကား အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚေနမႈသည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္း ေအးခ်မ္းမႈႏွင့္ တိုးတက္ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈတို႔အေပၚတြင္ အေရးပါေသာ အဟန္႔အတားတစ္ရပ္အျဖစ္ ဆက္လက္တည္ရွိေနပါသည္။ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး စရိုက္လကၡဏာအသစ္တစ္ရပ္ ေပၚထြန္းလာေနသည့္ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး ေခတ္တြင္ ေကာလာဟလမ်ား၊ ခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံသည့္မူ၀ါဒမ်ားႏွင့္ အစြန္းေရာက္ အမုန္းပြား ေျပာဆိုခ်က္ မ်ားျဖင့္ အခ်ဳိ႕ေသာ လူနည္းစုမ်ားအေပၚ ဦးတည္ခ်က္ထား ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည္ကို ေတြ႕ျမင္ရျခင္းေၾကာင့္ စိတ္အေႏွာင့္အယွက္ ျဖစ္မိပါသည္။ ဤေနရာတြင္လည္း မတူကြဲျပားျခားနားေသာ အသိုင္းအ၀န္းမ်ား အၾကား သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္ အမွားအယြင္းမ်ားသည္ ပ်က္စီးမႈလမ္းေၾကာင္းသို႔ ဦးတည္ေနေစၿပီး ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ အစိုးရႏွင့္ လူမႈအသိုင္းအ၀န္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကို အဆုိပါ ျပႆနာအား ေျဖရွင္းရန္ တစ္ဖက္ႏွင့္တစ္ဖက္ အျပန္အလွန္ ဆက္သြယ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကရန္ တိုက္တြန္းပါသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေနျဖင့္ အတိတ္ကာလတြင္ ယင္း၏ မ်ားျပားလွေသာ လူမ်ဳိးစု၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ကြဲျပားျခားနားမႈ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္း တည္ရွိမႈအတြက္ ခ်ီးက်ဴးေလးစားခံခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ အနာဂတ္တြင္လည္း အဆိုပါ အမ်ဳိးသားစရိုက္လကၡဏာရပ္ကို ဆက္လက္ထိန္းသိမ္းသြားႏိုင္ေရး အာမခံခ်က္ေပးရာတြင္ အစိုးရ အေနျဖင့္ ပိုမိုတက္ၾကြေသာအခန္းက႑မွ ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားရန္ တိုက္တြန္းပါသည္။
ကၽြန္မ၏ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ ျမွင့္တင္ေဆာင္ရြက္ရာတြင္ သိသာထင္ရွားေသာ တိုးတက္မႈမ်ား ရွိခဲ့သည္ကိုလည္း သိရွိခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလတြင္ တစ္ႏိုင္ငံလံုး အတိုင္းအတာျဖင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးသေဘာတူညီခ်က္တစ္ရပ္ ရရွိလိမ့္မည္ဆိုသည္ကို ယံုၾကည္မႈ ရွိေၾကာင္း အစိုးရက ကၽြန္မအား ေျပာၾကားပါသည္။ ယင္းအေျခအေနသည္ ႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းရွိ ထိခိုက္ ခံစားရလြယ္ေသာ ျပည္သူ အမ်ားစုထဲမွ အခ်ဳိ႕၏ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအေျခအေနမ်ား တိုးတက္ေကာင္းမြန္ေစေရးအတြက္ အေရးႀကီး ေသာ ေျခလွမ္းတစ္ရပ္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ယင္းအေျခအေနသည္ လက္ရွိ ပဋိပကၡျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ ေဒသမ်ားတြင္ ေနထိုင္ၾကေသာ ျပည္သူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ လာမည့္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ အျပည့္အဝ ပါဝင္ေဆာင္ ရြက္ႏိုင္ေစေရးကို အာမခံခ်က္ ေပးေရးအတြက္လည္းပဲ အဓိကက်ပါသည္။
ကၽြန္မ၏ ခရီးစဥ္တစ္ေလွ်ာက္လံုးတြင္ တိုက္ခိုက္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ တန္ျပန္တိုက္ခိုက္မႈမ်ား ဆက္လက္ ျဖစ္ပြားေနခဲ့ ၿပီး ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း IDP စခန္းမ်ားသို႔ သြားေရာက္ရန္ စီစဥ္ထားသည့္ ခရီးစဥ္သည္လည္း လံုျခံဳေရးအႏၱရာယ္ရွိေၾကာင္း အေၾကာင္းၾကားလာခဲ့ပါသည္။ IDP စခန္းအခ်ဳိ႕သို႔ သြားေရာက္လည္ပတ္ရန္ အစီအစဥ္ကို ေနာက္ဆံုးမိနစ္၌ ဖ်က္သိမ္းလိုက္ရျခင္းသည္ ကံမေကာင္းမႈတစ္ခု ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ မၾကာေသးမီ လမ်ားအတြင္း ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း၌ တိုက္ခိုက္မႈမ်ား ျပင္းထန္လာၿပီး ေက်းရြာသူ/ရြာသားမ်ားစြာတို႔ သည္ IDP စခန္းမ်ား၌ ခိုလံႈရန္ ထြက္ေျပးခဲ့ၾကရျပန္သည္။ ကၽြန္မ၏ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ႏွစ္ဖက္တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားမွ အရပ္သားမ်ားအား ထိခိုက္ဒဏ္ရာ ရရွိေစျခင္း သို႔မဟုတ္ သတ္ျဖတ္ျခင္း သို႔မဟုတ္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ လူသား ခ်င္း စာနာေထာက္ထားမႈႏွင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးဥပေဒ ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမ်ား က်ဴးလြန္ျခင္းတို႔ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ မၾကာေသးမီက ျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ားကိုလည္း သိရွိခဲ့ရပါသည္။ အဆိုပါ ကာလၾကာရွည္စြာ ခံစားေနရေသာ အေျခအေန အဆံုးသတ္ေရးအတြက္ အခ်ိန္အခါမွာ မ်ားစြာ လြန္ကဲခဲ့ၿပီ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ လအတြင္း ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၌ တိုက္ခိုက္မႈမ်ား တိုးျမင့္လာျခင္းသည္ က်ယ္ျပန္႔ေသာ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္တစ္ရပ္ ရရွိရန္ ေဆြးေႏြးညိွႏိႈင္းမႈမ်ားကို အေထာက္အကူျဖစ္ေစမည္ မဟုတ္ပါ။ ကၽြႏု္ပ္ တုိ႔တြင္ သမိုင္းဝင္ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈတစ္ရပ္ ရရွိရန္အတြက္ အခြင့္အလမ္း ရွိေနပါသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ကၽြန္မအေန ျဖင့္ ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ား အားလံုး၏ အက်ဳိးစီးပြားကို ေရွ႕ရႈရန္အလုိ႔ငွာ အဆိုပါလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကို ေအာင္ျမင္ ေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ႏွင့္ ယင္းကို ေရရွည္တည္တံ့ခိုင္ျမဲေစေရး အာမခံခ်က္ေပးရန္တို႔အတြက္ သက္ဆိုင္ ရာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားအားလံုးကို တိုက္တြန္းပါသည္။
ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္းရွိ လားရိႈးၿမိဳ႕သို႔ သြားေရာက္ရန္ အခြင့္အေရး ရရွိခဲ့ၿပီး ေဒသဆိုင္ ရာ အာဏာပိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ကာ မန္ဆူဆရာေတာ္ႀကီး (Mansu Sayadaw) ကိုလည္း သြားေရာက္ ဖူးေျမာ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ပေလာင္ဝ္တိုင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ ဦးေမာင္ေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ ဦးအို္က္မံုး၊ ေဒသခံ ဘာသာေပါင္းစံုမွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားအျပင္ အရပ္ဘက္ လူမႈ အဖြဲ႕အစည္း ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားႏွင့္လည္း ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ေဒသခံမြတ္စလင္ လူမႈ အသိုင္းအဝန္းအား ဗုဒၶဘာသာဝင္ လူအုပ္စုတစ္ခုက အၾကမ္းဖက္တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့သည့္ ၂၀၁၃ ခုႏွစ္ ေမလ လူမႈအသိုင္းအ၀န္းမ်ားၾကား အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈ ျဖစ္စဥ္ေနာက္ပိုင္း အေျခအေနကို ဆန္းစစ္ေလ့လာရန္ အထူး စိတ္၀င္စားခဲ့ပါသည္။ အဆိုပါျဖစ္စဥ္ေနာက္ပိုင္း ျပန္လည္တည္ၿငိမ္ေအးခ်မ္းေရး ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ၾက သည့္ လားရိႈးၿမိဳ႕၏ အာဏာပိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ရပ္ရြာျပည္သူမ်ားကို ခ်ီးက်ဴးပါသည္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေသာ လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းတစ္ရပ္ ျဖစ္ေပၚေစေရးအတြက္ အတူတကြ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၊ မြတ္ စလင္၊ ဟိႏၵဴႏွင့္ ခရစ္ယာန္လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားမွ ဘာသာေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ ကတိျပဳ တာ၀န္ယူ ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ အထူးပင္ ေလးစားမိပါသည္။ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ ေႏွာင့္ေႏွးၾကန္႔ၾကာမႈေၾကာင့္ တိုက္ခိုက္မႈအတြင္း မီးရိႈ႕ဖ်က္ဆီးခံခဲ့ရသည့္ မြတ္စလင္ မိဘမဲ့ကေလးမ်ား ေဂဟာႏွင့္ ဟိႏၵဴဘာသာ၀င္တုိ႔၏ အေဆာက္အအံုမ်ားကို ျပန္လည္တည္ေဆာက္ျခင္း မျပဳႏိုင္ေသးသည္ ကို ေတြ႕ျမင္ခဲ့ရသည့္အတြက္ စိတ္ပ်က္မိပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ဤလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကို အရွိန္ျမွင့္တင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ အာဏာပိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကို တိုက္တြန္းပါသည္။ သို႔မွသာ လားရိႈးအေတြ႕အၾကံဳသည္ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ ရရွိရန္ ပိုမိုခက္ခဲသည့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ အျခားေဒသမ်ားအတြက္ စံျပနမူနာ ပံုစံတစ္ခုအျဖစ္ ေပၚေပါက္လာမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
ကၽြန္မ၏ ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္သို႔လည္း ထပ္မံသြားေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီး ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဦးေမာင္ေမာင္အုန္းအျပင္ အေရးေပၚ ညိွႏိႈင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးစင္တာမွ အဖြဲ႕ဝင္မ်ား၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ၿမိဳ႕မိ ၿမိဳ႕ဖမ်ားႏွင့္လည္း ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္း ေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ေျမပံုႏွင့္ စစ္ေတြရွိ ထိခိုက္ခံစား ခဲ့ရေသာ ႏွစ္ဖက္လူမႈအသိုင္းအဝန္းတို႔၏ IDP ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမ်ားသို႔ သြားေရာက္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕ တြင္ အေရးေပၚညိွႏိႈင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးစင္တာ၏ အဖြဲ႕ဝင္မ်ားႏွင့္လည္း ေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ၿမိဳ႕မိၿမိဳဖမ်ားႏွင့္ တစ္နာရီခြဲၾကာျမင့္ေသာ ပြင့္လင္းမႈရွိသည့္ အစည္းအေ၀း၌ ရခိုင္ျပည္သူ မ်ား၏ စိုးရိမ္ေၾကာင့္ၾကမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ နစ္နာခံစားရမႈမ်ားအျပင္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္၏ သမိုင္းေၾကာင္းတို႔ကိုလည္း ပိုမို၍ သိျမင္နားလည္ခြင့္ ရရွိခဲ့ပါသည္။
ျပည္နယ္အစိုးရ၏ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈႏွင့္ ပံ့ပိုးကူညီမႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ေျမပံုၿမိဳ႕နယ္သို႔ သြား ေရာက္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ၿပီး ေဒသခံ ရခိုင္ရပ္ရြာလူႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့သည့္အျပင္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာႏွင့္ မြတ္စလင္ IDP စခန္းမ်ားသို႔လည္း သြားေရာက္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာႏွင့္ မြတ္စလင္ လူမႈအသိုင္းအဝန္း ႏွစ္ခုစလံုး၏ အျမင္မ်ားကို နားေထာင္ခြင့္ရရွိသည့္အတြက္ေၾကာင့္လည္း ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ေက်းဇူးတင္ရွိေၾကာင္း ထပ္မံ ေျပာၾကားလိုပါသည္။ ႏွစ္ဖက္လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၏ စိတ္ခံစားခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ စိုးရိမ္ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕မႈမ်ား၏ အတိမ္အနက္ကို ၾကားသိခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္၏ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးမႈ လြန္စြာနိမ့္က်သည့္ အေျခအေနႏွင့္ ျပည္သူမ်ား ေနထိုင္ရသည့္ ဆင္းရဲႏြမ္းပါးမႈ အေျခအေနတို႔သည္ မေက်နပ္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ တင္းမာမႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚရျခင္း၏ အဓိက အေၾကာင္းအရင္းမ်ားအျဖစ္ ရွိေနပါသည္။ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာလအတြင္း ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္သို႔ လွ်ပ္စစ္မီး စတင္ျဖန္႔ေ၀ေပးမႈ အေျခအေနကို ၾကားသိခဲ့ရသည့္အတြက္လည္း ေက်နပ္မိပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ လိုအပ္ ခ်က္မ်ားစြာ ရွိေနပါေသးသည္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ခရီးစဥ္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ အေသးစိတ္မတင္ျပမီ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာႏွင့္ ဘဂၤါလီ အသံုးအႏႈန္း ႏွစ္ခုႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ အျငင္းပြားဖြယ္ ကိစၥရပ္ကို ရွင္းလင္းတင္ျပလိုပါသည္။ ယင္းစကားလံုးမ်ားသည္ မတူညီ သည့္ လူမ်ားအတြက္ မတူညီသည့္ အဓိပၸါယ္အသြင္ေဆာင္ၿပီး တစ္ခုခ်င္းစီက မတူညီေသာ အေၾကာင္းျပ ခ်က္မ်ားျဖင့္ ေဒါသတရားႏွင့္ စိတ္ဆႏၵျပင္းျပမႈမ်ားကို ျဖစ္ေစပါသည္။ ရခိုင္ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ အမ်ားစုအတြက္ မူ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုသည့္ အသံုးအႏႈန္းမွာ တိုင္းရင္းသားျဖစ္မႈဆိုသည့္ အေနအထားႏွင့္ ခြဲထြက္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈ မ်ား ေတာင္းဆိုမႈသေဘာႏွင့္ ညီမွ်သည္ဟုယူဆၾကၿပီး၊ ၄င္းတို႔၏ ေျမ၊ လံုျခံဳေရးႏွင့္ စား၀တ္ေနေရး ဆံုးရံႈးရ မည္ကို ရခိုင္လူမ်ဳိးတို႔က ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ၾကသည္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအျဖစ္ မိမိကိုယ္ကိုယ္သတ္မွတ္ၾကသူမ်ား အေနျဖင့္မူ ဘဂၤါလီဆိုသည့္ အသံုးအႏႈန္းမွာ ၄င္းတို႔ ေမြးဖြားလာခဲ့သည့္ လူမႈအသိုက္အ၀န္းမွေန၍ အဆက္ျဖတ္ ခြဲျခားျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ရႈျမင္ၾကသည္။ ထုိ႔အျပင္ ဥပေဒေၾကာင္းအရ ယင္းအသံုးအႏႈန္းသည္ ၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္မတုိင္မီ ခံစားခဲ့ရေသာ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားႏွင့္ ရပုိင္ခြင့္မ်ား ဆံုးရံႈးမႈကုိ ျဖစ္ေပၚေစၿပီး၊ မညီမွ်သည့္ ႏုိင္သားျဖစ္ခြင့္ အခြင့္အေရးလည္း ျဖစ္ေပၚေစသည္။ အသံုးအႏႈန္း ႏွစ္ခုႏွင့္ပတ္သက္သည့္ အျငင္းပြား ဖြယ္ရာကိစၥရပ္ကုိ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကသူမ်ားစြာတုိ႔က အားတက္သေရာ တင္ျပခဲ့ၾကပါသည္။
အျမင္ရႈေထာင့္ႏွစ္ခုလံုး၏ တရားဝင္မႈ မဝင္မႈအေပၚ ေကာက္ခ်က္မခ်လိုေသာ္လည္း မည္သည့္စကားလံုး သံုးစြဲေရး သတ္မွတ္ျခင္းအေပၚ အာရံုစြဲကပ္ေနျခင္းသည္ အေရးပါသည့္ကိစၥမ်ား တိုးတက္မႈရရွိေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးကို တု႔ံဆို္င္းေနသည္ဟု ကၽြန္မ အၾကံျပဳလို္ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ဤကိစၥအေပၚ ျငင္းဆို မႈမွာ အေရးမႀကီးဟု မဆုိလိုေသာ္လည္း၊ ျပည္နယ္တစ္ဝန္း၌ ဆက္လက္ျဖစ္ေပၚေနေသာ အေရးေပၚ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမႈဆုိင္ရာႏွင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးဆုိင္ရာ လုိအပ္ခ်က္မ်ား ေျဖရွင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး အေပၚတြင္ အာရံုစုိက္ေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကရန္ ေတာင္းဆုိေနျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ဤျပည္နယ္အတြင္း ဆက္လက္ျဖစ္ေပၚေနေသာ ျပႆနာမ်ား ေျပလည္ေစေရးကုိ ဝုိင္းဝန္း အေထာက္ အကူျပဳေစေရး ေသခ်ာမႈရွိေစရန္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္မ်ား၊ မြတ္စလင္မ်ား၊ အစုိးရအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ ကုလသမဂၢ ေအဂ်င္စီမ်ားႏွင့္ INGO မ်ား အားလံုး၏အသံမ်ား ပါဝင္ေစႏိုင္ခဲ့ေသာ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္၏ လုပ္ငန္း ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈႏွင့္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းအားထုတ္မႈမ်ားကုိ ခ်ီးက်ဴးပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မ၏ ယခင္ခရီးစဥ္ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွစတင္ၿပီး ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလုိင္လတြင္ ေတြ႕ႀကံဳခဲ့ရေသာ ႀကီၤးမားေသာ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမႈ ဆုိင္ရာႏွင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးဆုိင္ရာျပႆနာမ်ားကုိ ေျဖရွင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရာတြင္ တုိးတက္မႈအခ်ဳိ႕ ရရွိလာပါသည္။ MSF အဖြဲ႕အေနျဖင့္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ယင္း၏လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကုိ ျပန္လည္စတင္ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ၿပီး၊ လြန္ခဲ့သေသာ သတင္းပတ္မ်ားအတြင္း လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမႈဆုိင္ရာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကုိ ပုိမုိ ၀င္ေရာက္လုပ္ကုိင္ခြင့္ ရရွိေရးအတြက္ ခြင့္ျပဳခ်က္မ်ားကုိလည္း ေပးအပ္ေနပါသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ ကၽြန္မ၏ အျမင္တြင္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္အေျခအေနသည္ အက်ပ္အတည္းရွိေနဆဲပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာ ေထာက္ထားမႈဆုိင္ရာ လုပ္ငန္းဝင္ေရာက္ႏိုင္မႈနည္းေနေသးၿပီး ၊ စြန္႔စားရႏုိင္ေျခ ျမင့္မားေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၃၀ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ကုလသမဂၢ ႏုိင္ငံသား၀န္ထမ္းတစ္ဦးသည္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပုိင္းတြင္ ၄င္း၏တာ၀န္မ်ားကုိထမ္းေဆာင္ေနခ်ိန္တြင္ စစ္တပ္အာဏာပုိင္မ်ား၏ ရုိက္ႏွက္မႈကုိ ခံခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မ အေနျဖင့္ ဤကဲ့သုိ႔လုပ္ေဆာင္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ တာ၀န္ယူမႈ/တာ၀န္ခံမႈ ရွိေစေရးႏွင့္ UN ႏွင့္ INGO ၀န္ထမ္း မ်ား၏ ေဘးကင္းလံုၿခံဳမႈကုိ အာမခံခ်က္ေပးရန္ အာဏာပုိင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားအား ေတာင္းဆုိပါသည္။ ၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈျဖစ္စဥ္ႏွင့္ဆက္စပ္၍ ဖမ္းဆီးခံခဲ့ရသည့္ INGO ႏုိင္ငံသား၀န္ထမ္း ၃ ဦးမွာ ဘူးသီးေတာင္အက်ဥ္းေထာင္တြင္ ဆက္လက္ထိန္းသိမ္းခံေနရဆဲျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအေန ျဖင့္ အဆုိပါ၀န္ထမ္း ၃ ဦး ခ်က္ခ်င္း ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးေရးအတြက္ ေတာင္းဆုိပါသည္။
ကၽြန္မသည္ ေျမပံုၿမိဳ႕နယ္သုိ႔ သြားေရာက္ရန္ ေရြးခ်ယ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ အေၾကာင္းအရင္းမွာ အဆုိၿမိဳ႕နယ္တြင္ ႏုိင္ ငံသားစိစစ္အတည္ျပဳေရး ေရွ႕ေျပးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနခဲ့ေသာေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ေျမပံုၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းတြင္ IDP ၂၉၆၀ ဦးရွိသည့္အနက္ အသက္ ၁၈ ႏွစ္အထက္ ၁၃၁၂ ဦးမွာ ႏုိင္ငံသား စိစစ္ အတည္ျပဳမႈအတြက္ သတ္မွတ္ခ်က္ျပည့္မီသူမ်ားျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ၈၈ ဦးမွာ ေလ်ာက္ထားျခင္းမရွိဘဲ၊ ၉၄ ဦးမွာ ေလွ်ာက္ထားရန္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနဆဲျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း လူ၀န္မႈႀကီးၾကပ္ေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ဒုတိယ၀န္ႀကီးက ေျပာ ၾကားပါသည္။ ေလွ်ာက္ထားမႈေပါင္း ၁၂၈၀ ရွိသည့္အနက္၊ ၉၇ ဦးကုိ အျပည့္အ၀ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ ေပးအပ္ၿပီးျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ၃၆၀ ဦးကုိ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ ျပဳခြင့္ေပးခဲ့ပါသည္။ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းအတြင္း၌ စခန္း၏ ေျပာေရးဆုိခြင့္ရွိသူက ေျပာၾကားခ်က္အရ လူေပါင္း ၄၀ ဦးတုိ႔သည္ အျပည့္အဝ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ ရရွိခဲ့ ၾကၿပီး၊ ၁၆၉ ဦးမွာ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ ျပဳခြင့္ရသူအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခံရေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ က်န္ရွိေသာသူမ်ားမွာ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္၏ ရလဒ္အေျဖမ်ားကုိ ေစာင့္ဆုိင္းေနၾကေၾကာင္း သိရွိခဲ့ရပါသည္။
ကၽြန္မေတြ႕ျမင္ၾကားသိခဲ့ရသည္မ်ားအေပၚတြင္ အေရးႀကီးေသာ သံုးသပ္ခ်က္အခ်ဳိ႕ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ပထမ အခ်က္အေနျဖင့္ ေျမပံုဒုကၡသည္စခန္းရွိ ႏုိင္ငံသားသက္ေသခံကတ္ျပားရရွိခဲ့သည့္ IDP မ်ား၏ဘ၀မ်ား သည္ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမရွိပါ။ ၄င္းတုိ႔သည္ စခန္းအတြင္း၌ပင္ နည္းပါးသည့္ စာနပ္ရိကၡာခြဲတမ္း၊ အကန္႔အသတ္ ျဖင့္ရရွိေသာ က်န္းမာေရးေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈ ႏွင့္ အျခားမရွိမျဖစ္လုိအပ္ေသာ၀န္ေဆာင္မႈ အနည္းငယ္တုိ႔ျဖင့္ ဆက္လက္ရပ္တည္ေနၾကရပါသည္။ IDP ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းရွိ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏မ်က္လံုးမ်ားတြင္ ကၽြန္မျမင္ေတြ႕ ခဲ့ရသည့္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္မဲ့စိတ္ပ်က္အားငယ္ေနသည့္အရိပ္လကၡဏာမ်ားသည္ စိတ္ႏွလံုးေၾကကြဲဖြယ္ရာ အေျခအေနပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ အေျခအေနမွာ ဆက္လက္၍ တင္းမာေနေၾကာင္း ျပည္နယ္ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္က အတည္ျပဳ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သလို ၿမိဳ႕မိၿမိဳ႕ဖမ်ားကလည္း အတည္ျပဳခဲ့သည္။ ယင္းအေျခအေနကုိ လက္ခံႏုိင္ ေလာက္သည့္ အေျခအေနတစ္ရပ္အျဖစ္ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ မသတ္မွတ္ပါ။ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားသည့္အေျခအေန မ်ားေအာက္တြင္ မရွိမျဖစ္ လုိအပ္ေသာ ဝန္ေဆာင္မႈမ်ားကုိ အကန္႔အသတ္ျဖင့္သာ ရရွိႏုိင္မႈႏွင့္အတူ ဒုကၡ သည္မ်ား၏ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ ဆုိးဆုိးဝါးဝါး ျဖတ္ေတာက္ထားျခင္းကုိ ခ်က္ခ်င္း ေျဖရွင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ကၽြန္မေရာက္ရွိသည့္အခ်ိန္အထိတုိင္ေအာင္ INGO မ်ားအား ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမ်ားသို႔ တစ္ပတ္ တစ္ႀကိမ္သာ လာေရာက္ခြင့္ ျပဳထားပါသည္။ ယခုအခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ တစ္ပတ္ သံုးႀကိမ္လာေရာက္ခြင့္ျပဳထား ၿပီဟု သိရွိရပါသည္။ ယင္းအေျခအေနသည္လည္း လံုေလာက္မႈမရွိေသးပါ။ က်န္းမာေရး၀န္ေဆာင္မႈလုပ္ ငန္းမ်ားသည္လည္း အလြန္အမင္း ဆုိး၀ါးေနၿပီး၊ ပညာသင္ၾကားခြင့္မွာလည္း အလြန္ပင္ နည္းပါးေနပါ သည္။ IDPမ်ားအားလံုးအတြက္ လြတ္လပ္စြာ လႈပ္ရွားသြားလာခြင့္ ရရွိသင့္ၿပီး၊ ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ ေျမယာပုိင္ဆုိင္ ခြင့္ႏွင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ အျခားျပည္သူမ်ား ရရွိခံစားေနသည့္ အျခားေသာ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားအားလံုးကုိလည္း ရရွိခံစားေစသင့္ပါသည္။
ဒုတိယအခ်က္အေနျဖင့္ ႏုိင္ငံသားစိစစ္အတည္ျပဳေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ ပါဝင္ျခင္းမရွိခဲ့သည့္ ေျမပံုၿမိဳ႕ မြတ္စ လင္ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမွ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားႏွင့္ေမးျမန္းေျပာဆုိေသာအခါတြင္ ၄င္းတုိ႔က ကမန္ မြတ္စလင္ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ မြတ္စလင္မ်ားလက္ထပ္ထားေသာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားျဖစ္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆုိၾက ပါသည္။ ယင္းသုိ႔ျဖစ္ျခင္းကုိ ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ သက္ေသခံကတ္ျပားမ်ား ထုတ္ျပျခင္းျဖင့္ အတည္ျပဳ ေျပာဆုိၾက ပါသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ ၄င္းတုိ႔သည္ ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕မႈေၾကာင့္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ခြင့္ျပဳခ်က္မရရွိျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း စခန္းအျပင္ဘက္သုိ႔ မထြက္ခြာႏုိင္ၾကပါ။ အဆုိပါအေျခအေနက ဆက္လက္တည္ရွိေန သည့္ တင္းမာမႈႏွင့္ စုိးရိမ္ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕မႈ အဆင့္ ျပင္းထန္ျမင့္မားေနသည္ဆုိသည္ကုိ ေဖာ္ျပေနပါသည္။ ဤကိစၥရပ္သည္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ/ဘဂၤါလီ အျငင္းပြားမႈထက္ ပုိမုိရႈပ္ေထြးသည္ကုိ ေဖာ္ျပေနပါသည္။
တတိယအခ်က္အေနျဖင့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမြတ္စလင္မ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍လည္းေကာင္း၊ ရခုိင္ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍လည္းေကာင္း လက္ရွိအေျခအေနကုိအကဲျဖတ္ရာတြင္ ေကာလာဟလမ်ားႏွင့္ လြဲမွားေသာ ထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္ အမ်ားအျပား အသံုးျပဳေနသည္ကုိ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးမႈမ်ားမွ ကၽြန္မ ၾကားသိခဲ့ရပါသည္။ လူမ်ဳိးစု ႏွစ္ခုအၾကား အျပန္အလွန္ ဆက္ဆံမႈကုိ အဟန္႔အတားျဖစ္ေစသည့္ အဆုိပါ လြဲမွားေသာ ထင္ျမင္ ယူဆခ်က္မ်ားသည္ ဆက္လက္ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ အမုန္းပြားေစေသာ ေဟာေျပာမႈမ်ားအျဖစ္သုိ႔ လြယ္ ကူစြာ ကူးေျပာင္းလာမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ သီးျခား ခြဲျခားထားရွိမႈသည္ အေျဖတစ္ခု မဟုတ္ပါ။
၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ႏွင့္ေတြ႕ဆံုစဥ္တြင္ ရခုိင္ Action Plan ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ပါသည္။ ေနာက္ဆံုးမူၾကမ္းကုိ ေပးမည္ဟု ကၽြန္မအား ကတိေပးခဲ့ပါသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ ယခုအခ်ိန္အထိေတာ့ ကၽြန္မထံသုိ႔ ေပးပုိ႔လာျခင္း မရွိေသးပါ။ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ျပႆနာေျဖရွင္းရာတြင္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး စံႏႈန္းမ်ားသည္ အဓိကေနရာမွ ပါဝင္ရမည္ဟု ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ အေလးထား ေျပာၾကားလုိပါသည္။ ၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ အၾကမ္းဖက္ျဖစ္ရပ္မွ ျပစ္မႈက်ဴးလြန္သူ အခ်ဳိ႕၏ လုပ္ေဆာင္မႈအတြက္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ မြတ္စလင္လူမ်ဳိးစုတစ္ခုလံုးကုိ စုေပါင္းျပစ္ဒဏ္ေပးသည့္လုပ္ရပ္သည္ အေျဖတစ္ခု မဟုတ္ပါ။ ထုိ႔ျပင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမြတ္စလင္မ်ား၏ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ ကန္႔သတ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္သည့္ လက္ရွိအေျခအေနကုိ ဆက္လက္ ထိန္သိမ္းထားရွိျခင္းသည္လည္း တင္းမာမႈႏွင့္ ေဒါသမီးတုိ႔ တုိးပြားလာမႈကုိသာ ျဖစ္ေပၚေစႏုိင္ပါသည္။ ယင္းအေျခအေနသည္ လာမည့္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအတြက္ စိန္ေခၚမႈမ်ားကုိ ျဖစ္ေပၚေစၿပီး၊ ေျဖရွင္းရန္ ခက္ခဲ မည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ျပႆနာမ်ားသည္ ႏုိ္င္ငံတကာ ပတ္သက္ဆက္ႏြယ္ အက်ဳိးသက္ေရာက္ မႈမ်ားရွိၿပီး၊ ကုလသမဂၢအဖြဲ႕၀င္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားအားလံုးႏွင့္ သက္ဆုိင္ပါသည္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ က်ဴးလြန္ျခင္းခံရ ေသာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမ်ားသည္ လူေမွာင္ခုိကူးမႈကုိ အားေပးရာေရာက္ၿပီး၊ ခုိလံႈခြင့္ေတာင္းခံသူ အမ်ားအျပားကုိလည္း ေပၚေပါက္ေစကာ၊ မၾကာခဏဆုိသလုိ လူ႔အသက္ႏွင့္ဘဝမ်ား ၀မ္းနည္းဖြယ္ရာ ထိခုိက္ခံစားရမႈႏွင့္ ဆံုးရံႈးမႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚေစပါသည္။
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဆုိင္ရာ ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္ အေထြေထြညီလာခံ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္တြင္ သေဘာတူပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈအ တြက္ အစုိးရအား ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ခ်ီးက်ဴးပါသည္။ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ပါ ေဝါဟာရအသံုးအႏႈန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ ၍ ေဒသႏၱရမီဒီယာမ်ားတြင္ လြဲမွားတင္ျပမႈအခ်ဳိ႕ ရွိသည္ကုိ ကၽြန္မ နားလည္သေဘာေပါက္ပါသည္။ ဆံုး ျဖတ္ခ်က္ပါ ေတာင္းဆုိခ်က္ကုိ ရွင္းလင္းမႈရွိေစရန္ တင္ျပလုိပါသည္ – “ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူနည္းစုအတြက္ ႏုိင္ငံသား ျဖစ္ခြင့္ဆုိင္ရာ တန္းတူညီမွ် အခြင့္အေရးရရွိမႈ” ဟူ၍ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
နိဂံုးခ်ဳပ္အေနျဖင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္သည္ အက်ပ္အတည္းအေျခအေနတြင္ ဆက္လက္ရွိေနဆဲပင္ ျဖစ္သည္ ဟု ယံုၾကည္ယူဆပါသည္။ အခ်ဳိ႕ေသာျပႆနာရပ္မ်ားကုိ ေျဖရွင္းရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းအားထုတ္မႈမ်ားကုိလည္း လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနၾကပါသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္စရာ မ်ားစြာ လုိအပ္ေနဆဲ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ အစုိးရအား ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ ေနထုိင္ၾကသူမ်ားအားလံုး၏ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားႏွင့္ အေျခခံလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ မ်ားကုိ ၎တို႔၏ တရား၀င္ျဖစ္မႈဆုိင္ရာ အေျခအေနအဆင့္အတန္းကုိ ထည့္မတြက္ဘဲ အကာအကြယ္ ေပးရန္၊ ျပည္နယ္ အႏွံ႔အျပားတြင္ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမႈဆုိင္ရာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားအတြက္ အျပည့္အ၀ႏွင့္ အလ်င္အျမန္ ၀င္ေရာက္လုပ္ကုိင္ခြင့္ ျပဳရန္၊ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအားလံုးကုိ ၄င္းတုိ႔ေျမယာမ်ား အပါအ၀င္ ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ မူရင္း လူမႈအသုိင္းအ၀န္းအတြင္းသုိ႔ ေဘးကင္းလံုၿခံဳစြာ ျပန္လည္၀င္ေရာက္ခြင့္ျပဳရန္ တုိ႔ကုိ အေရးတႀကီး ေတာင္းဆုိပါသည္။

ေနာက္တစ္ႀကိမ္က်င္းပမည့္ လႊတ္ေတာ္အစည္းအေ၀းတြင္ ထည့္သြင္းစဥ္းစားေဆြးေႏြးရန္ တင္ျပထား သည့္ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္း ၄ ရပ္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ကၽြန္အေနျဖင့္ စုိးရိမ္ပူပန္မိပါသည္။ ျမန္မာအစုိးရႏွင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ တုိင္းတြင္ ကၽြန္မ၏ စုိးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈမ်ားကုိ တင္ျပခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ကၽြန္မတုိ႔ၾကား ရရွိခဲ့သည့္ ပြင့္လင္းေသာ၊ တစ္ခါတစ္ရံ အားတက္သေရာျဖစ္ေသာ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ားအတြက္ ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါသည္။ အဆုိပါ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းမ်ားအတြက္ မ်ားစြာေသာ က်ဳိးေၾကာင္းဆီေလ်ာ္မႈမ်ားကုိ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ၾကၿပီး၊ အဆုိပါ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းမ်ား ေရးဆြဲရာတြင္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး စံႏႈန္းမ်ားကုိ ထည့္သြင္းစဥ္းစားၿပီးျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းကုိ ကၽြန္မကုိ အာမခံ ခ်က္ ေပးၾကပါသည္။ အဆုိပါ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းမ်ားသည္ အထူးသျဖင့္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ား၏ က်န္းမာေရး၊ သာယာ ဝေျပာေရးႏွင့္ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ အကာအကြယ္ေပးရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ဘာသာကူးေျပာင္းမႈဆုိင္ရာ မွတ္ပံုတင္ျခင္းကဲ့သုိ႔ေသာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဆုိင္ရာ လုိအပ္ခ်က္ကုိလည္း ျဖည့္ဆည္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အသိေပး ေျပာၾကားၾကပါသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ အဆုိပါ ဥပေဒမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ကၽြန္မ၏စုိးရိမ္ပူမ်ား ဆက္ လက္ ရွိေနဆဲျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားအား အဆုိပါ ဥပေဒမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ေစ့ေစ့စပ္စပ္ စိစစ္ေလ့လာေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကရန္ႏွင့္ ပုိမုိ၍ စိတ္ရွည္သည္းခံမႈရွိၿပီး၊ အားလံုးပါ၀င္သည့္ လူမႈအသုိက္အ၀န္း တစ္ခု တည္ေဆာက္ရာတြင္ တစ္ေထာင့္တစ္ေနရာမွ ပါ၀င္ၾကေစရန္အတြက္ ေတာင္းဆုိပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မ အေနျဖင့္ အဆုိပါ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ အေသးစိတ္ မွတ္ခ်က္အခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ ေပးလုိပါသည္ –
• ကုိးကြယ္ရာ ဘာသာကူးေျပာင္းျခင္းဆုိင္ရာ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းက အဖြဲ႕၀င္ ၁၁ ဦးပါ၀င္သည့္ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ မွတ္ပံုတင္ဘုတ္အဖြဲ႕က ေတြ႕ဆံုေမးျမန္းျခင္းႏွင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္းမ်ားအပါအ၀င္၊ ကုိး ကြယ္ရာ ဘာသာကူးေျပာင္းျခင္းႏွင့္ စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္း ခ်မွတ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္းတုိ႔အတြက္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္က ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေဆာင္ရြက္သည့္ စနစ္တစ္ရပ္ ထူေထာင္ေပးမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ကၽြန္မ၏အျမင တြင္ ဤ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္သည္ ႀကီးေလးၿပီး၊ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈ အလားအလာ လည္းရွိသည္။ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ယံုၾကည္ကုိးကြယ္ခြင့္ႏွင့္ ကူးေျပာင္းခြင့္သည္ အေျခခံ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ပုဂိၢဳလ္ေရးဆုိင္ရာ ကိစၥရပ္လည္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ဘာသာတရားအား ေစာ္ကားမႈအတြက္ ဤ ဥပေဒက ျပစ္မႈႏွင့္ ျပစ္ဒဏ္ မ်ား အဆုိျပဳထားမႈအေပၚ၌လည္း ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ စုိးရိမ္မိပါသည္။ ယင္းသည္ တိက်ေရရာမႈမရွိဘဲ လူနည္းစုကုိးကြယ္သည့္ ဘာသာတရားမ်ားအေပၚ ခြဲျခား ဆက္ဆံ ရန္အတြက္လည္း အသံုးျပဳႏုိင္ပါသည္။
• လူဦးေရတုိးပြားမႈႏႈန္း ထိန္းညိွေရးဆုိင္ရာ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းသည္ လူဦးေရေပါက္ပြားမႈႏႈန္း အလြန္ ျမင့္မားသည္ဟု ေတြ႕ရွိရသည့္ ေဒသတစ္ခုတြင္ က်န္းမာေရးႏွင့္ ဆင္းရဲႏြမ္းပါးမႈဆုိင္ရာ ကိစၥရပ္ မ်ားကုိ ေျဖရွင္းေပးရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈတစ္ခုျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားပါသည္။ ၎ကုိယ္၀န္ေဆာင္မႈ ႏွစ္ႀကိမ္ၾကား သားဆက္ျခားကာလကုိ ၃၆ လ ျခားျခင္းအပါအ၀င္ နည္းလမ္းမ်ားစြာျဖင့္ ေျဖရွင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မအား အဆုိပါ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းသည္ ျပစ္ဒဏ္မ်ား ခ်မွတ္မည္ မဟုတ္ဟု အာမခံခ်က္ေပးေသာ္လည္း သားဆက္ျခားမႈအတြက္ ဥပေဒေၾကာင္းအရ သတ္မွတ္ ျပ႒ာန္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္းသည္ ကေလးအေရအတြက္ႏွင့္ သားဆက္ျခားမႈတုိ႔အတြက္ အမ်ဳိးသမီး တစ္ဦး၏ ဆံုးျဖတ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ပုိင္ခြင့္ကုိ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အစုိးရက တရားမ၀င္ ၀င္ေရာက္စြက္ဖက္မႈ ျဖစ္ သည္ဟု ထင္ျမင္ယူဆပါသည္။ ဆင္းရဲႏြမ္းပါးမႈ၊ မိခင္ႏွင့္ကေလး ေသဆံုးမႈႏွင့္ ကေလးေမြးဖြားမႈ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေရးတုိ႔ကုိ ေျဖရွင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ နည္းလမ္းမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ပညာေပးျခင္း၊ ဆင္းရဲႏြမ္းပါးမႈ အစီအစဥ္မ်ားခ်မွတ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္း၊ က်န္းမာေရး ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈေပးျခင္းႏွင့္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ား၏ စြမ္းရည္ျမွင့္တင္ေပးသည့္ အျခားနည္းလမ္းမ်ားျဖင့္ သင့္ေတာ္သလုိ ေျဖရွင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ႏုိင္ပါ သည္။
• ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ ျမန္မာအမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ား လက္ထပ္ထိမ္းျမားျခင္းဆုိင္ရာ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းတြင္ အျငင္းပြား ဖြယ္ရာ ျပ႒ာန္းခ်က္မ်ားစြာ ပါ၀င္ေနၿပီး၊ ယင္းကုိ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံမႈအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ ယူဆပါသည္။ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းက ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ားကုိ လက္ထပ္ရန္ ရည္ရြယ္ေသာ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ လက္ထပ္ေသာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္မဟုတ္သည့္ အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားအေပၚ စည္းကမ္းခ်က္မ်ား၊ ကန္႔သတ္ခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ ျပစ္ဒဏ္မ်ားကုိ ထည့္သြင္း ေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္။ ထုိ႔ျပင္ လင္မယား ကြဲကြာ ခ်ိန္တြင္ သားသမီးထိန္းသိမ္းေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ လမ္းညႊန္မူ၀ါဒ ခ်မွတ္ေပးရာတြင္္ ကေလးအတြက္ အေကာင္းဆံုး အက်ဳိးကို ေရွ႕ရႈရမည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ ယင္းအခ်က္သည္ ဥပေဒ မူၾကမ္းထဲတြင္ ပါဝင္ျခင္း မရွိပါ။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ဤဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ အစုိးရက ဥပေဒျပဳ အာဏာကုိ မေလ်ာ္မကန္ အသံုးျပဳမႈတစ္ရပ္အျဖစ္ ယူဆပါသည္။
• ျပစ္မႈဆုိင္ရာဥပေဒအရ မိန္းမ အမ်ားအျပားယူျခင္းကုိ တားျမစ္ပိတ္ပင္ထားၿပီးျဖစ္သည္ဟု သိရွိရပါ သည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ တစ္လင္တစ္မယားစနစ္ က်င့္သံုးျခင္းဆုိင္ရာ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္း၏ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ကုိ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ နားမလည္ႏုိင္ေအာင္ ျဖစ္ရပါသည္။ ထုိ႔ျပင္ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းတြင္ အသံုးျပဳထားေသာ ဘာသာစကားအသံုးအႏႈန္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍လည္း စုိးရိမ္မိပါသည္။ ယင္းသည္ လူနည္းစု ကုိးကြယ္ရာဘာသာတရားမ်ားကို ဦးတည္ခ်က္္္္္ထား ေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည့္အတြက္ ခြဲ ျခားဆက္ဆံမႈကုိ ျဖစ္ေပၚေစပါသည္။
ကုိးကြယ္ရာဘာသာတရား ကြဲျပားျခားနားသည့္ လူမႈအသုိင္းအ၀န္းမ်ားၾကား တင္းမာမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ အၾကမ္းဖက္ မႈမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရွိ အေရးႀကီးေသာ ျပႆနာရပ္တစ္ခု ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ လူမႈအသုိင္းအ၀န္းမ်ားၾကား အျပန္အလွန္ အသိပညာေပးမႈႏွင့္ ျပန္လည္ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရး ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈတုိ႔သည္ အေရးတႀကီး လုိအပ္ ေနပါသည္။ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပုိင္း လားရိႈးၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ကၽြန္မ ေတြ႕ျမင္ခဲ့ရသလုိမ်ဳိး ယံုၾကည္ကုိးကြယ္ရာ ဘာသာ ကြဲျပားျခားနားသည့္ လူမႈအသို္င္းအ၀န္းမ်ားၾကား အျပန္အလွန္ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ပုိမုိ စုစည္းညီညႊတ္သည့္ လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္း တည္ေဆာက္ျခင္း စသည့္နည္းလမ္းတုိ႔ျဖင့္ အေရးႀကီးေသာ လုပ္ငန္းအဆင့္မ်ားကုိ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနၿပီလည္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ အဆုိပါ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္း ၄ ခုသည္ ဘာသာေရး အုပ္စုမ်ားၾကား ရွိႏွင့္ၿပီး တင္းမာမႈမ်ားကုိ ရန္မီးေတာက္ေလာင္ေစႏုိင္သည့္အတြက္ ကၽြန္မေနျဖင့္ စုိးရိမ္ မိပါသည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားအားလံုးအား အဆုိပါဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းမ်ားကို သက္ဆုိင္ရာ လူမႈအသုိင္းအ၀န္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးတုိင္ပင္လ်က္ ေစ့ေစ့စပ္စပ္ စိစစ္ၾကည့္ရႈေလ့လာရန္ႏွင့္ ယင္းတုိ႔ကုိ အလံုးစံု ကန္႔ကြက္ျငင္းဆုိရန္ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ တုိက္တြန္းပါသည္။ လက္ထပ္ထိမ္းျမားျခင္း၊ ကြာရွင္း ျပတ္စဲျခင္းႏွင့္ ဆက္ခံျခင္းဆုိင္ရာ ဥပေဒမ်ားကဲ့သုိ႔ေသာ စည္းမ်ဥ္းထားေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ လုိအပ္သည့္ နယ္ပယ္က႑မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ျပ႒ာန္းေဆာင္ရြက္သည့္ ဥပေဒတစ္ရပ္သည္ လူမ်ဳိးဘာသာ ခြဲျခားမႈ မရွိဘဲ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ျပည္သူမ်ားအားလံုးအတြက္ သက္ဆုိင္ေသာ၊ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး စံႏႈန္း မ်ားႏွင့္ အျပည့္အ၀ ကုိက္ညီမႈရွိေသာ၊ ဥပေဒတစ္ရပ္ ျဖစ္သင့္ပါသည္။ အကယ္၍ အဆုိပါ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္း မ်ား အတည္ျပဳလုိက္ပါက ႏုိင္ငံေရးျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ ေနာက္ေၾကာင္းျပန္မႈကုိ ေဖာ္ျပေန သည့္ အရာမ်ားထဲမွ တစ္ခုအျဖစ္ ရႈျမင္ျခင္းခံရႏိုင္ပါသည္။

ရပ္ရြာလူထုအဆင့္ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္မႈ ႏွင့္ တရားဥပေဒစုိးမုိးမႈ
ပညာေရး၊ က်န္းမာေရး ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈႏွင့္ အသက္ေမြး၀မ္းေၾကာင္းလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ျမွင့္တင္ေရးအတြက္ အစီ အစဥ္မ်ား ခ်မွတ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည္ကုိ ေတြ႕ျမင္ရသည့္အတြက္ ၀မ္းေျမာက္ေက်နပ္မိၿပီး၊ ဤက႑တြင္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈအတြက္လည္း အစုိးရကုိ ခ်ီးက်ဴးပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ အဆုိပါ အစီအစဥ္မ်ားသည္ သက္ဆုိင္ရာ လူမႈအသိုင္းအဝန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈရွိျခင္း၊ လက္ခံ စဥ္းစားေပးမႈ ရွိျခင္း နည္းလမ္းတုိ႔ျဖင့္ က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ႏွင့္ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ညိွႏႈိင္းေဆြးေႏြးမႈ ရွိသင့္ေၾကာင္း အေလးအနက္ ေျပာၾကားလုိပါသည္။ ေဒသႏၱရအဆင့္၌ ဥပေဒအသစ္မ်ားကုိ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ရန္ အင္အား မလံုေလာက္မႈေၾကာင့္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ စိတ္ပါဝင္စားမႈ မရွိျခင္းေၾကာင့္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ စြမ္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္မႈ မရွိျခင္းေၾကာင့္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈုလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားသည္ ေမွ်ာ္မွန္း သေလာက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏုိင္ျခင္း မရွိသည့္ က႑မ်ားကုိ ေလ့လာေတြ႕ရွိရပါသည္။
အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ ကုိယ္တုိင္ေဆာင္ရြက္သူမ်ားအျဖစ္သာမက၊ အက်ဳိးခံစားသူမ်ားအျဖစ္ပါ ပုိမုိ အေရးပါသည့္ အခန္းက႑မွ ပါ၀င္ရန္ လုိအပ္သည္ ဆုိသည္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ ၍ ယခင္ခရီးစဥ္အၿပီး ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ေသာ အခ်က္မ်ားသည္ ဆက္လက္၍ အေရးပါ ေနဆဲ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ လတ္တေလာေဆာင္ရြက္ေနေသာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ညိွႏႈိင္းေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ သေဘာတူ စာခ်ဳပ္ ခ်ဳပ္ဆုိၿပီးေသာအခါ ယင္းကုိ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာမႈ ျပဳလုပ္ရာတုိ႔တြင္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ား၏ ပါ၀င္ ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈကုိ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ အထူးအားေပးပါသည္။ ထုိ႔ျပင္ မၾကာမီ က်င္းပေတာ့မည့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ နီးကပ္လာခ်ိန္တြင္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ားက ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းမ်ားအေနျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ဆႏၵမဲေပးသူမ်ား အေနျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ေလ့လာသူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈသည္ အေရးႀကီးပါ သည္။
တကၠသုိလ္ပါေမာကၡတစ္ဦးအေနျဖင့္ ကၽြန္မသည္ လူငယ္မ်ား၏ ပညာေရးအတြက္ လိႈက္လွဲစြာ စိတ္၀င္စား မႈ ရွိပါသည္။ ၄င္းတုိ႔သည္ ကၽြန္မတုိ႔၏ အနာဂတ္အတြက္ အဓိကက်သူမ်ား ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဤလူငယ္မ်ား ကပင္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအား တုိးတက္ေအာင္ျမင္မႈ ေနာက္တစ္ဆင့္ႏွင့္ အားလံုးပါ၀င္မႈရွိေသာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသည့္ လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းတစ္ရပ္ ထူေထာင္ေရးတုိ႔တြင္ ဦးေဆာင္သြားမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလတြင္ က်င္းပေသာ ရန္ကုန္တကၠသုိလ္၏ ဘဲြ႕ႏွင္းသဘင္အခန္းအနားတြင္ ေက်ာင္းသူ/သား ၃၀၀ ခန္႔သည္ ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ စိစစ္ေရးကဒ္ျပားမ်ား မရွိၾကသျဖင့္ ဘြဲ႕လက္မွတ္မ်ား ရရွိျခင္း မရွိခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း ၾကားသိရသည့္အတြက္ အ့ံၾသတုန္လႈပ္မိပါသည္။ ဤျဖစ္ရပ္သည္ အထူးသျဖင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္မွလာေသာ မြတ္စလင္ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားအေပၚတြင္ သက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ လတ္တေလာအခ်ိန္တြင္ ၄င္းတုိ႔သည္ ႏုိင္ငံသားစိစစ္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္အရ စိစစ္ေနသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ပညာေရးအခြင့္အလမ္း ရရွိမႈသည္ ႏုိင္ငံသားျဖစ္မႈ အေျခအေနေပၚတြင္ အေျခမခံသင့္ပါ။ ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ ဤျပႆနာကုိ ပညာေရး၀န္ႀကီး ဌာန ဒုတိယ၀န္ႀကီးထံ တင္ျပခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ၄င္းက ယင္းအေျခအေနကုိ ကုစားေျဖရွင္းေပးမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အာမခံခ်က္ေပးသည့္ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ အထူးပင္ ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါသည္။ ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ အဆင့္ျမင့္ပညာေရး ၿပီးဆံုးေအာင္ အျပင္းအထန္ ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ၾကသည့္ ေက်ာင္းသူ/သားတုိင္း ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ဘြဲ႕လက္မွတ္မ်ား ရရွိၾက သည္ဆုိသည့္ သတင္းေကာင္း ရရွိရန္ ကၽြန္မ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေနပါသည္။
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ တရားဥပေဒစုိးမုိးမႈ အေရးပါသည္ဆုိသည့္အေၾကာင္းကုိ ကၽြန္မအား မ်ားစြာေျပာဆုိတင္ျပ ၾကပါသည္။ ကၽြန္မ အျပည့္အဝ သေဘာတူပါသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ ဤႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သစ္တြင္ တရားဥပေဒစနစ္ႏွင့္ အာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔အေပၚတြင္ ယံုၾကည္မႈ ေပၚေပါက္မလာမီတြင္ လုပ္ေဆာင္စရာ မ်ားစြာ က်န္ရွိေနပါေသး သည္။ ပဋိပကၡျဖစ္ပြားရာေနရာမ်ားတြင္ လိင္ႏွင့္ က်ား-မေရးရာတုိ႔အေပၚတြင္ အေျခခံေသာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈ မ်ားအပါအ၀င္ စစ္တပ္အရာရွိမ်ား၏ တာ၀န္ယူမႈ/တာ၀န္ခံမႈကုိ အာမခံခ်က္ေပးရန္ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ား မေအာင္ျမင္မႈအေပၚ၌လည္း ကၽြန္မအေနျဖင့္ အထူးတလည္ စုိးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈ ရွိေနဆဲ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ တုိင္းရင္း သား လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကုိုလည္း ယင္းတုိ႔၏ အဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ားက က်ဴးလြန္ေသာ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ ရာ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမႈဆုိင္ရာ ဥပေဒႏွင့္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးဥပေဒမ်ားကုိ ခ်ဳိး ေဖာက္မႈမ်ားအေပၚ ေျဖရွင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ကုိလည္း ေတာင္းဆုိပါသည္။ တပ္မေတာ္တြင္ အရြယ္မေရာက္ ေသးေသာ စစ္သားမ်ား အေရအတြက္ ဆက္လက္ ျမင့္တက္ေနမႈ ရွိေနသည္ဆုိသည့္ သတင္းမ်ားအေပၚ ၌လည္း စုိးရိမ္ပူပန္မိပါသည္။

အထက္ပါ အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားသည္ ကၽြန္မခရီးစဥ္မွ ရရွိလာေသာ အႀကိဳေလ့လာေတြ႕ရွိခ်က္မ်ားျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ မတ္လတြင္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေကာင္စီသုိ႔ ကၽြန္မ၏ အစီရင္ခံစာ တင္သြင္းသည့္အခါ ဤကိစၥရပ္မ်ားအေပၚ ကုိ အက်ယ္တ၀င့္ တင္ျပသြားမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ အထူးအစီရင္ခံစာ တင္သြင္းသူတစ္ဦးအေနႏွင့္ေရာ၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ မိတ္ေဆြတစ္ဦးအေနႏွင့္ေရာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအေျခအေန ပုိမုိျမွင့္တင္ ေရးႏွင့္ ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေရးတုိ႔အတြက္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအစုိးရ၊ ျပည္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ အနာဂတ္ကာလတြင္ ဆက္လက္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးအတြက္ ကၽႊန္မအေနျဖင့္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါသည္။

Comment by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein on the abuse of the Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee

GENEVA (21 January 2015) – “The sexist, insulting language used against the UN’s independent human rights expert on Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, by an influential monk during Ms. Lee’s official visit to the country is utterly unacceptable. It is intolerable for UN Special Rapporteurs to be treated in this way and I call on religious and political leaders leaders in Myanmar to unequivocally condemn all forms of incitement to hatred including this abhorrent public personal attack against a UN-appointed expert.

Ms. Lee, as required by her mandate, was addressing key human rights issues and the situation of minorities in the country, particularly the Rohingya Muslim community. Indeed she expressed admiration for the commitment of inter-religious leaders to work together in the town of Lashio in Northern Shan State towards maintaining peaceful relations between communities. Ms. Lee raised serious concerns about the situation in Rakhine State and the plight of internally displaced Muslims living in camps in very difficult conditions. She also warned that a package of four bills proposed, if passed, would institutionalise discrimination against religious and ethnic minorities.

Instead of attacking Ms. Lee personally, I invite community, religious and political leaders in Myanmar to tackle the substance of her concerns.”


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UN Myanmar rights expert: Backtracking on democratic space gains momentum in election year

YANGON / GENEVA (19 January 2015) – “Valuable gains made in the area of freedom of expression and assembly risk being lost,” United Nations Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee said at the end of her ten-day official visit* to the country. “Indeed, there are signs that since my last visit, restrictions and harassment on civil society and the media may have worsened.”

The Special Rapporteur expressed her concern about ongoing harassment, intimidation and prosecution of journalists, civil society activists and protesters opposed to government projects or calling for accountability of state officials. She highlighted recent cases where excessive force was used against rural farmers and urban residents protesting against development projects.

“If Myanmar is serious about transitioning to democracy, it must be serious about allowing persons affected by its actions to express their frustrations without being punished,” she stressed. “In relation to land disputes, the Government must proactively ensure that adequate consultation on development projects has taken place and that comments have been properly considered.”

During her visit, Ms. Lee met with political prisoners in Insein prison, Yangon, as well as persons in custody and awaiting trial for protest related offences. At the end of 2014, official figures state that 27 political prisoners remain in detention. However, the Special Rapporteur considers that the 78 farmers charged with trespassing during land protests are also political prisoners. In addition, hundreds of persons on politically motivated charges are awaiting trial. “These figures are too high,” she said.

The Special Rapporteur highlighted intercommunal violence as an issue that continues to be a barrier to peace to prosperity throughout the country. “I am disturbed to see some minorities targeted through rumours, discriminatory policies and in extreme cases, hate speech,” she noted. “During my visit I was personally subjected to the kind of sexist intimidation that female human rights defenders experience when advocating on controversial issues.”

Ms. Lee urged government and community leaders to show leadership in eliminating violence through respect non-discrimination towards all religious and ethnic minorities.”

“In the town of Lashio, in Northern Shan State, I was impressed by the commitment of inter-religious leaders to work together towards maintaining a peaceful community following attacks on the Muslim community in May 2013,” the expert highlighted.

In contrast, Ms. Lee pointed out that the Rakhine State remains in crisis. “The atmosphere between Budhhists and Muslims remains hostile. I saw internally displaced persons in Muslim camps living in abysmal conditions with limited access to food, health care and essential services. They are unable to leave the camps due to the continuing level of tensions. Some have been living inside the camps for two years,” she said.

“International human rights norms must be at the centre of a solution in the Rakhine State,” the Special Rapporteur said. “Collective punishment of the entire Muslim population in the State for the deeds of a limited number of perpetrators from the violence in 2012 is not the answer.”

In her meetings with government authorities and parliamentarians the rights expert raised her concerns about a package of four ‘race and religion’ bills that, if passed, “will legitimize discrimination, in particular against religious and ethnic minorities, and ingrain patriarchal attitudes towards women.”

The Population Control Healthcare Bill, the Bill Relating to the Practice of Monogamy, the Bill on Religious Conversion, and the Myanmar Buddhist Women’s Special Marriage Bill respectively authorizes the designation of special zones for population control activities; prohibit and criminalize bigamy, polygamy and extramarital relationships; and propose State regulation of religious conversion, and of interfaith marriages involving Buddhist women and non-Buddhist men.

“Passage of any one of the four bills will signal to the international community that Myanmar is backtracking in its democratic transition,” the independent human rights expert warned. “I call upon all parliamentarians to thoroughly scrutinize these bills and to play a role in building a more tolerant and inclusive community. If these bills are passed, it could be viewed as one of the indicators of backtracking in the political reform process”.

“Much was said to me about the importance of the rule of law in Myanmar, and I fully agree. Yet much remains to be done before confidence in the legal system and authorities becomes a feature of this new State,” Ms. Lee stated.

The Special Rapporteur remains particularly concerned at the failure of measures to ensure accountability of military officials, including sexual and gender based violence in conflict zones. She also called on the ethnic armed groups “to address violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law committed by their personnel.”

During her ten-day visit, the expert met with Government officials, members of Parliament and the judiciary, the National Human Rights commission and civil society in Naypyitaw and Yangon.

The Special Rapporteur will submit a report to the Human Rights Council in March 2015, which will included her observations and recommendations to the Government of Myanmar.

(*) Check the full end-of-mission statement: http://yangon.sites.unicnetwork.org


Ms. Yanghee Lee (Republic of Korea) was appointed as Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar by the UN Human Rights Council in 2014. Ms. Lee served as member and chairperson of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (2003-2011). She is currently a professor at Sungkyunwan University, Seoul, and serves on the Advisory Committee of the National Human Rights Commission of Korea. Ms. Lee is the founding President of International Child Rights Center, and serves as Vice-chair of the National Unification Advisory Council. Learn more, go to: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/SP/CountriesMandates/MM/Pages/SRMyanmar.aspx

The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity.

UN Human Rights, country page – Myanmar: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/AsiaRegion/Pages/MMIndex.aspx

For more information and media requests, please contact Sabina Lauber (+41 22 928 9473 / slauber@ohchr.org) or write to srmyanmar@ohchr.org

For media inquiries related to other UN independent experts:
Xabier Celaya, UN Human Rights – Media Unit (+ 41 22 917 9383 / xcelaya@ohchr.org)

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Statement of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar 16 January 2015

Statement of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar

16 January 2015


Today is the final day of my second official visit to Myanmar as Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. It has been a visit rich in its diversity, geography, viewpoints and experiences. I have engaged with government officials, parliamentarians, religious and community leaders, civil society representatives, victims of human rights violations and members of the international community. My discussions have been frank, open, sometimes passionate but always welcoming. I am feeling more and more a part of this country and am privileged to be accompanying the people of Myanmar on this journey of reform towards greater enjoyment of human rights. My visit would not have been possible without the genuine cooperation of the Government of Myanmar and the committed support of the United Nations Country Team. I wish to express my sincere appreciation to both organisations.

Today I would like to present some preliminary observations based on my visit and developments since my last visit. I have been particularly interested in any changes in key areas of concern that I raised in my report to the General Assembly following my July 2014 visit.

In Yangon, I went to Insein prison where I had private interviews with U Sein Than, U Htin Kyaw, Dr. Tun Aung, U Nay Myo Zin, U Aung Myo Thu and Naw Ohn Hla. I later met with U Brang Shawng, the father of Ja Seng Ing, a Kachin girl who was killed in an encounter with a Tatmadaw patrol. I met with lawyer networks for the Letpadaung case and other issues, land rights activists, people charged under the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Act as well as some non-government members of the Prisoner of Conscience Affairs Committee. My meetings in Yangon also included discussions with Civil Society Organizations on women’s rights and on electoral reform. I also met with the widow of Ko Par Gyi, some members of the private media and some members of the All Burma Federation of Students Unions. This morning, I called on the Chair of the Myanmar Human Rights Commission.

In Nay Pyi Taw, I held talks with H.E. U Wunna Maung Lwin, Union Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Deputy Minister for Defense, Major-General Kyaw Nyunt, Attorney-General, H.E. Dr. Tun Shin, Union Minister for the Ministry of the President’s Office(3), H.E. U Soe Thane, Union Minister for the Ministry of the President’s Office (4), H.E. U Aung Min and officials of the Myanmar Peace Center, as well as Union Minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, H.E. Dr. Daw Myat Myat Ohn Khin. I also met with the Union Deputy Minister for Labour, Employment and Social Security H.E. U Htin Aung, the Union Deputy Minister for Immigration and Population H.E. U Win Myint, the Union Deputy Minister for Education H.E U Thant Shin, the Union Deputy Minister for Health H.E. Dr. Win Myint, the Chairman of the Constitutional Tribunal U Mya Theinn, the Chairman of the Union Election Commission U Tin Aye, the Union Minister for Information H.E. U Ye Htut and the Central Committee of Land Use Management.

Yesterday, in Nay Pyi Taw, I met with the Committees of the Upper House of Parliament (Chairs of the Parliamentary Committees and Representatives of Bills Committees), the Committees of the Lower House of Parliament (Including Chairs of Parliamentary Committees, Bills Committee of the Lower House, The Rule of Law and Tranquility Committee of the Lower House, the Legal Affairs and Special Issues Assessment Commission of the Lower House and the Land Acquisition Investigation Commission). I met with the Legal, Economic and Political Advisers of the President, the members of the Constitutional Review Committee, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and the Union Minister for Home Affairs. I also had a private meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

During my mission I also visited the Rakhine State and Northern Shan State. I will elaborate on those visits later in my statement.

Preliminary observations

Based on all the information I have gathered, I feel assured that in some areas, the Government is continuing to progress in its reform programme. I am pleased to see that programmes to improve education, health care and livelihood are underway, and commend the Government on its proposals for greater community consultation on land related projects. I was heartened by the release of U Kyaw Hla Aung released since my last visit. However, in some areas I have not observed progress since my last visit. In particular, land development projects frequently suffer from poor information and a lack of adequate consultation with affected communities. Consequential disputes have been met with harsh crackdowns. I have also observed areas where reforms fail to live up to expectations due to inadequate capacity or simply disregard, at the local level of implementation. In the area of freedom of expression and freedom of assembly, positive gains risk being lost. Indeed, the possible signs of backtracking I noted in my first report have gained momentum in this area. I urge the Government to address these issues as a priority. I will elaborate this in my report to be submitted to the Human Rights Council in March.

Democratic space

Following my first visit I noted that the opening up of democratic space in Myanmar has been widely acknowledged as one of the significant achievements in Myanmar’s reform process. However, I expressed concern that significant challenges remain and highlighted the need for accelerated efforts if such achievements are to be maintained. I noted particular concerns among my interlocutors with article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Act.

These concerns remain and there are signs that the situation may have even worsened. I was informed that since my visit there have been ongoing arrests and prosecutions of people exercising their rights to peaceful assembly and association, including in relation to land confiscation, environmental degradation and constitutional reform. Protestors are being charged and sentenced under article 18 and under the Penal Code, and it appears that numbers of arrests are increasing. At the end of 2014, official figures were that 27 political prisoners remained in prison. However, I consider that the 78 farmers charged with trespassing during land protests have also been arrested for politically motivated reasons. I was informed that hundreds of persons charged with political offences are currently awaiting trial, including the several persons already arrested this year during protests. The numbers remain unreasonably high, and I am unable to say that progress has been made in this area.

I met with prisoners that are serving sentences under section 18, including U Sein Than who was arrested immediately after my last visit on his way to the United Nations office to provide me with additional documents concerning allegations of land grabbing. I also met with Naw Ohn Hla and U Nay Myo Zin who had been arrested following protests outside the Chinese Embassy concerning the Leptadaung incident last month. As a parent, I have been particularly touched by the case of U Brawn Shawng, the father of Ja Seng Ing, facing charges brought by the military for allegedly providing false information. His case was brought after he wrote to the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission calling for an investigation into the shooting of his 14 year old daughter in Kachin State during fighting between the military and the Kachin Independence Army in 2012. During the two years of court proceedings against him, an official inquiry into the death of his daughter has still not been initiated.

At the end of 2014 the previously constituted Prisoner Review Committee was discontinued and replaced by the 28 member Prisoners of Conscience Affairs Committee, including some but not all of the previous NGO members. The previous committee only met three times during 2014 and did not issue public reports. I encourage the Government to ensure that this new Committee is effective and constructive and works to bring about the release of all persons detained for political reasons.

A free and independent media is another important indicator of democratic society. I am informed that the Government is in the process of reforming media governance and has worked with journalists to this end. But much remains to be done. I received complaints that insufficient consultation has taken place in the development of the current Broadcasting Law. Concerns were also expressed that the publishing and media laws stifle independent media and are unnecessarily restrictive.

I was informed that journalists face regular intimidation and harassment. The tragic death of Ko Par Gyi is an extreme example of this. Following his arrest on 28 September, Ko Par Gyi was shot and killed while reportedly trying to escape military detention in Mon State. The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission has conducted an investigation into this case and called for the case to be tried in a civilian court. I call on the Government to initiate criminal proceedings as a matter of priority in an open and transparent manner.

Further, the four journalists and the editor of Unity Journal sentenced to ten years imprisonment with hard labour shortly before my last visit, remain incarcerated without reprieve.

Such incidents reinforce intimidation and harassment towards persons wishing to voice their concerns against actions of the state, including demands of accountability for human rights violations. Instead of facilitating free expression which is fundamental to credible democratic reform, these events serve to encourage self-censorship and caution. I urge the Government to ensure that space for expression of dissent and demands for accountability is both protected and expanded. Maintaining the space available for independent election reporting will be a key challenge during 2015.

Land and environmental issues

Prominent throughout my visit have been complaints of unfair land confiscation, forced evictions and concerns with land use policy. Government interlocutors have explained the challenges towards sustainable and profitable land development so that all persons in Myanmar can benefit from available opportunities. I commend the development of a legal framework that requires an environmental impact assessment to be conducted before development projects are launched and urge this framework to be implemented consistently and transparently, in full consultation with affected communities.

However, this is not enough. Just as there is an urgent need to independently and transparently address land disputes including involving the State at the very highest levels, there is also a need for more information sharing about farmer’s rights and responsibilities of duty bearers. During my visit I heard about the property boom – dramatic increases in land values which have brought extraordinary opportunities for easy profit to Myanmar. Existing laws and systems make it conducive to exploit farmers, heighten intercommunal conflict and facilitate grabbing lucrative tracts of land. Moreover, it is difficult for the people of Myanmar to oppose or criticise such development projects.

I was informed of several cases where excessive force was used against rural farmers and urban residents protesting at the loss of their homes and livelihood. I was also informed that a large number of protestors against land confiscations are charged with trespassing, attracting harsh prison sentences. Notable is the incident at Letpadaung where evicted farmers protesting against a proposed copper mine were met with excessive force by local authorities. Several protesters were injured and one woman died from a bullet wound. A number of protesters were arrested and are currently awaiting trial for trespassing and unlawful protest.

Similarly, on December 22nd and 23rd, persons protesting against confiscation of their land for the Wanbao project were shot by police with rubber bullets and severely injured. During related protests in front of the Chinese Embassy in Yangon, several protesters were arrested under section 18.

If Myanmar is truly serious about transitioning to democracy, it must allow persons aggrieved by its actions to express their frustrations without being punished. The Government must proactively ensure that adequate consultation on land development has taken place and that comments received have been properly considered. Most importantly, the Government must move towards eliminating legal avenues that punish the expression of opinions contrary to state policy.

I reiterate my call for the Government to proactively manage development and investment processes to ensure a rights-based and people centred form of sustainable development. This should include poverty reduction, equitable resource sharing and non-discrimination as its central pillars. While legislative change will assist this process, changes in attitudes and behaviour at all levels of government will also be needed. It will be important for international donors and investors to ensure they do not inadvertently facilitate human rights violations through their development programmes.

Intercommunal situation

Intercommunal violence continues to be a significant barrier to peace and prosperity in Myanmar, both inter-ethnic and inter-religious violence. In this era of reform where a new national identity is emerging, I am disturbed to see some minorities targeted through rumours, discriminatory policies and in extreme cases, hate speech. Here too, misinformation in the different communities is particularly damaging and I urge Government and community leaders to reach out to one another to remedy this. In the past, Myanmar has been celebrated for its rich diversity. I urge the Government to play a more active role in ensuring that Myanmar’s future maintains this national treasure.

During my visit I learned that significant progress has been made in the advancement of the peace process. I was informed by the Government that it is confident a nationwide ceasefire agreement will be reached in February. This would represent an important step forward towards improving the human rights situation of some of the most vulnerable people in the country. It is also key to ensuring that persons living in the current conflict zone areas are able to fully participate in the forthcoming national elections.

Skirmishes, attacks and counterattacks continued throughout my visit and I was informed that my planned visit to IDP camps in the Northern Shan State therefore had security risks. It was unfortunate that my plans to visit some IDP camps had to be cancelled at the last minute. The fighting in Kachin State has intensified in recent months and many villagers have once again fled to the safety of IDP camps. During my visit I was informed of recent instances where armies on both sides have injured or killed civilians, or committed other violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. The time for this long standing source of suffering to end is long overdue. However, the stepping up of attacks in Kachin State over this past month is not conducive to negotiation of a comprehensive ceasefire agreement. Here we have the chance for an historic achievement – I urge all parties to focus on the interests of all people of Myanmar and to make this process work and to ensure it is durable.

I had the opportunity to visit Lashio in the Northern Shan State where I held talks with the local authorities and called upon the Venerable Mansu Sayadaw. I also met with Palaung leaders U Maung Kyaw and U Aik Mong, local inter-faith representatives as well as civil society. I was particularly interested to assess the follow up since the intercommunal violence in May 2013 where an organised Buddhist mob had violently attacked the local Muslim community. I commend the authorities and community of Lashio for their cooperative recovery from this incident. I was particularly impressed with the commitment of inter-religious leaders from the Buddhist, Muslim, Hindu and Christian communities to work together towards maintaining a peaceful community. I was disappointed to see that the Muslim orphanage and Hindu premises burnt in the attack have not yet been rebuilt, due to administrative delays. I urge the authorities to speed up this process so that the Lashio experience can serve as a model for other regions in Myanmar where such cooperation has been more difficult to achieve.

During my visit I once again visited the Rakhine State and had frank talks with the Rakhine State Chief Minister U Maung Maung Ohn, as well as members of the Emergency Coordination Centre and the Rakhine Elders. I visited the IDP camps of both the affected communities in Myebon and Sittwe. In Sittwe, I also had discussions with members of the Emergency Coordination Centre. At a frank one and a half hour meeting with Rakhine Elders, I was able to gain more insight into the fears and sufferings of the Rakhine people and the history of the Rakhine State.

With the cooperation and logistical support of the State Government, I was able to visit Myebon where I met the local Rakhine leaders and visited a Buddhist and a Muslim IDP camp. I was grateful, once again, to have the opportunity to listen to the views of both the Buddhist and Muslim communities. I listened to the depth of frustration, suffering and fear held by both communities. The severe under development of the Rakhine State, and the conditions of poverty that people live in, lie at the heart of the frustration and tension. I was pleased to hear that electricity was introduced to the Rakhine State last month. But much more is needed.

Before I go into details of my visit to the Rakhine State, I would like to address the controversial issue of the two words Rohingya and Bengali. These words mean different things to different people and each one brings forth anger and passion for different reasons. To many Rakhine Budhhists, the term Rohingya equates to a claim of indigenous status and secessionist activities. They fear loss of their land, security and livelihood. To those who self-identify as Rohingya, the term Bengali isolates them from the community they were born into. Moreover, legally it brings a loss of rights and entitlements compared with those enjoyed prior to 2012, including unequal access to citizenship. The controversy of both words have been vigorously pointed out to me by many interlocutors.

Without wanting to invalidate either perspective, I would like to suggest that this fixation on which word to use has paralysed progress on important issues. I am not saying that the debate is not important, but I am asking all of us to focus on addressing the urgent humanitarian and human rights needs that continue to exist throughout the State.

I commend the work of the Chief Minister of the Rakhine State and his efforts to ensure that the voices of Buddhists, Muslims, government organisations, UN agencies and INGOs all contribute toward solutions for the ongoing problems in this State. Since my last visit some advancements have been made in addressing the serious humanitarian and human rights issues encountered in July 2014. MSF resumed its work in the Rakhine State on December 18 and permission for increased access has been granted to humanitarian organisations over the past weeks. However, in my view the situation remains at crisis stage. Humanitarian access is still minimal and high risk. On 30 December a UN national staff member was beaten by military authorities in Northern Rakhine during the course of performing his duties. I call on authorities to ensure accountability for these acts and to ensure the safety of UN and INGO staff. I note that the three INGO national staff arrested in connection with the 2012 violence remain in detention in Buthidaung prison. I reiterate my call for their immediate release.

I chose to visit Myebon because the Citizenship Verification pilot exercise has been carried out there. I was informed by the Deputy Minister for Immigration that amongst the 2960 IDPs in the Myebon camp, 1312 persons over 18 qualified for citizenship verification; 88 did not apply and 94 are still to apply. Out of 1280 applications, so far full citizenship has been given to 97 persons, 360 have been naturalized for citizenship. Inside the camp, I was informed by the camp spokesperson that 40 persons have received full citizenship and 169 have been naturalized. The remainder are waiting on the results of the exercise.

I have some important reflections to make on what I saw and heard. Firstly, the lives of the IDPs who have received their citizenship cards in Myebon camp have not changed. They remain inside the camp with minimum food rations, limited access to health care and to other essential services. The despair that I saw in the eyes of the people in the Myebon IDP camp was heartbreaking. The Chief Minister confirmed that the atmosphere remains hostile, a fact that was confirmed in my discussions with local Elders. I do not regard this as an acceptable situation. The severe curtailment of the rights of the IDPs in conditions of detention, with limited access to essential services must be immediately addressed. Until my arrival, INGOs had been granted limited access to the camps once per week. I understand that permission has now been granted for visits three times a week. This is still far too inadequate. Health services remain abysmal and there is highly limited access to education. Freedom of movement should be available to all IDPs, as well as access to their land and to all other rights enjoyed by other persons in the Rakhine State.

Secondly, when I spoke to persons in the Myebon Muslim camp who had declined to participate in the Citizenship Verification process, they informed me it was because they were Kaman Muslims or Buddhists married to Muslims. They verified this by showing me their identity cards. Yet they could not leave the camp, either out of fear or lack of authorization. This illustrates the severe level of tension and fear that remains. It also shows that this matter is more complex than the Rohingya/Bengali debate.

Thirdly, in my discussions I heard a large number of rumours and misconceptions about both Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists that were used as justification for the current situation. By preventing interactions between the two communities such misconceptions will continue and easily spiral into hate speech. Segregation is not the answer.

I discussed the Rakhine Action Plan in my meeting with the Chief Minister. I was promised the latest version but it has not yet been delivered to me. I stress that international human rights norms must be at the centre of a solution in the Rakhine State. Collective punishment of the entire Muslim population of the Rakhine State for the deeds of a limited number of perpetrators from the violence in 2012 is not the answer. Instead, maintaining the current situation of restricting the rights of Rohingya Muslims is merely serving to exacerbate tensions and anger. It also creates a host of challenges for the forthcoming election that will be difficult to address. The issues in the Rakhine State also have international implications which are of concern to all member states. In particular, the human rights violations being committed are encouraging people smuggling and are generating large numbers of asylum seekers, often leading to tragic suffering and loss of life.

I commend the Government for its consensus participation in the 2014 General Assembly resolution on Myanmar. I understand there has been some misreporting in the local press about the terms of the Resolution. I would like to clarify that the Resolution calls for, I quote, “equal access to full citizenship for the Rohingya minority”.

In conclusion, I believe that the Rakhine State remains in crisis. Efforts are being made to address certain issues, but much more is needed. I urgently call on the Government to protect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all inhabitants of Rakhine State regardless of legal status, to allow full and immediate access for humanitarian agencies across the State and to allow the safe return of all IDPs to their communities of origin including to their land.

The Legislative Package on Race and Religion

I am concerned about a package of four bills that have been tabled for consideration in the next session of the Parliament. I raised my concerns in every government meeting and am grateful for the frank, sometimes vigorous discussions that we had. Several justifications were given for these bills and I was given assurances that international human rights norms had been taken into account in the drafting of the bills. I was also informed that the bills seek to protect the health, welfare and rights of women in particular, as well as addressing administrative needs such as the registration of religious conversion. However, I respectfully maintain my concerns with these laws and call upon all parliamentarians to thoroughly scrutinize these bills and to play a role in building a more tolerant and inclusive community. I would like to offer some specific comments on the bills:
• The Religious Conversion Bill establishes a State-regulated system for religious conversion and regulation, including through interview and discussion with an eleven member Township Registration Board. It is my view that this process is onerous and potentially intimidating. The freedom to practice religion and to convert is a fundamental human right, a very personal one. I am also concerned at the offences and penalties this Bill proposes for “insulting religion”, which is vague and could be used to discriminate against minority religions.
• I was informed that the Population Control Bill seeks to address issues of health and poverty in an approved region where it is found to have a very high birth rate. This would be done through a number of strategies including birth spacing of 36 months between two pregnancies. While I was assured this Bill does not impose penalties, I believe that a legal requirement for birth spacing is an illegitimate interference by the State into the right of a woman to determine the number and spacing of her children. Strategies to address poverty, maternal and child mortality and the use of birth control is most appropriately done through education, poverty alleviation programmes, accessible health care and other strategies that empower women.
• The Myanmar Buddhist Women’s Special Marriage Bill contains several problematic provisions that I regard as discriminatory. The Bill places a number of additional requirements, restrictions and potential penalties on non-Buddhist men intending to marry, or who are married to, Buddhist women. Further, in relation to guardianship of children in the event of divorce, the guiding principle should be the best interests of the child, but this is not in the Bill. I regard this Bill as an inappropriate use of legislative power by the State.
• I have been informed that the Penal Code already prohibits polygamy so I am unable to understand the purpose of the Monogamy Bill. Moreover, I am concerned by the language of the bill which indicates it is directed towards minority faiths, making it discriminatory.

Tensions and violence between different religious communities is a significant problem in Myanmar. Inter-community education and reconciliation are urgently needed. Already significant steps forward have been taken through interfaith dialogues and more integrated communities like I saw in Lashio, in the Northern Shan State. I am concerned that these four bills could inflame already existing tensions between religious groups. I therefore strongly urge all Parliamentarians to closely scrutinize these bills, in full consultation with affected communities, and to reject them in their entirety. Areas requiring regulation, such as laws for marriage, divorce and succession, should be the subject of a law common to all people of Myanmar, irrespective of their race and religion, in full compliance with international human rights norms. If these bills are passed, it could be viewed as one of the indicators of backtracking in the political reform process.

Community level development and Rule of Law

I am pleased to see that programmes to improve education, health care and livelihood are underway and congratulate the Government for its collaboration with the international community in this area. However, I reiterate my concerns that these programmes must include widespread and genuine consultation with affected communities in a transparent and receptive manner. I observed areas where reforms are failing to live up to expectations due to either inadequate capacity, lethargy or inability to implement new laws at the local level.

The concerns I expressed after my last visit about the need for women to play a greater role in the reform process, both as agents and beneficiaries, remains important. I strongly encourage the involvement of women in the current peace negotiations, as well as in monitoring the agreement after it is concluded. Further, as the forthcoming elections draw closer, the participation of women as candidates, as voters and as observers is crucial.

As a University Professor, I am passionately committed to the education of young people. They hold the key to our future. It will be these young people that will lead Myanmar to the next level of prosperity and an inclusive and peaceful society. I was therefore shocked to hear that at the Yangon University graduation ceremony in December 2014, around 300 students did not receive their diplomas as they did not hold scrutiny cards. This particularly affected Muslim students originating from the Rakhine State, who are currently undergoing the citizenship verification process. Access to education should not be based on citizenship status. I raised this issue with the Deputy Minister for Education and I thank him for reassuring me that he will remedy this situation. I look forward to receiving the good news that every one of these students who had worked so hard to complete their higher education, received their graduation certificates.

Much was said to me about the importance of the rule of law in Myanmar, and I fully agree. Yet much remains to be done before confidence in the legal system and authorities becomes a feature of this new State. I remain particularly concerned at the failure of measures to ensure accountability of military officials, including sexual and gender based violence in conflict zones. I also call on the ethnic armed groups to address violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law committed by their personnel. I am also concerned at reports of continued high levels of underage soldiers serving in the Tatmadaw.


These are my preliminary observations from my visit and I will elaborate on these in my report to the Human Rights Council in March. As a Special Rapporteur and as a friend of Myanmar, I look forward to my future cooperation with the Government and people of Myanmar, towards greater promotion and protection of human rights in this country.

Myanmar: UN expert to assess human rights situation in Rakhine and Northern Shan States

GENEVA (5 January 2015) – The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, will undertake her second official visit to the country from 7-16 January 2014. Ms. Lee will gather first-hand information on the current human rights situation in the Rakhine and Northern Shan States, among other issues.
“I will review the situation in the camps for internally displaced persons and in isolated locations in the Rakhine State, to assess if there has been improvement in the critical conditions I came across on my first visit to Myanmar in July 2014,” she said.
The human rights expert will meet the Chief Minister of the Rakhine State to discuss current developments toward peace, stability and the rule of law, including the Rakhine Action Plan. She will meet as well with community leaders in the context of intercommunal tensions and efforts towards reconciliation.
“In the Northern Shan State, I will look at the human rights situation of religious and ethnic minorities,” Ms. Lee noted. “I will also speak with various parties about the situation of sexual and gender based violence in the context of the ongoing conflict in this region”.
The independent expert appointed by the UN Human Rights Council to monitor, report and advise on the situation of human rights in Myanmar will also assess progress on the authorities’ commitments towards democratic reform. She will also review issues related to freedom of association and the media, as well as land disputes and protests against development projects.
“I will pay special attention to the significant human rights concerns raised by the package of four bills on protection of race and religion, which contain provisions that do not meet international human rights standards,” Ms. Lee stressed. “I am deeply concerned that if passed, these four bills will legitimize discrimination, in particular against religious and ethnic minorities, and against women”.
With Myanmar now in an electoral year, the Special Rapporteur will also discuss progress in the democratic process with authorities and civil society to encourage these forthcoming national elections to be transparent, inclusive, participatory, free and fair.
During her ten-day visit, the expert will meet with Government officials, members of Parliament and the judiciary, the National Human Rights commission and civil society in Naypyitaw and Yangon. She also intends to visit political prisoners that remain in detention.
The Special Rapporteur, who visits the country at the invitation of the Government, expressed her appreciation of the open engagement and cooperation that has been offered in the preparation of this mission. Ms. Lee will submit a report to the Human Rights Council in April 2015
A press conference will be held at the end of the Special Rapporteur’s visit on Friday 16 January from 5-6pm at the Sedona Hotel, Yankin Ballroom in Yangon.
Ms. Yanghee Lee (Republic of Korea) was appointed by the UN Human Rights Council in 2014. She is independent from any government or organization and serves in her individual capacity. Ms. Lee served as member and chairperson of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (2003-2011). She is currently a professor at Sungkyunwan University, Seoul, and serves on the Advisory Committee of the National Human Rights Commission of Korea. Ms. Lee is the founding President of International Child Rights Center, and serves as Vice-chair of the National Unification Advisory Council. Learn more, go to: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/SP/CountriesMandates/MM/Pages/SRMyanmar.aspx
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity.
UN Human Rights, country page – Myanmar: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/AsiaRegion/Pages/MMIndex.aspx
For more information and media requests, please contact:
In Geneva (before and after the mission): Sabina Lauber (+41 22 928 9473 / slauber@ohchr.org)
In Yangon (during the mission, 7 to 16 January): U Aye Win, National Information Officer (+95 94 210 60343 / wina@un.org)
For media inquiries related to other UN independent experts:
Xabier Celaya, UN Human Rights – Media Unit (+ 41 22 917 9383 / xcelaya@ohchr.org)
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Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar, 12 November 2014

Your Excellency Mr. Thein Sein, President of the Union of Myanmar,


Distinguished Ministers,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a great pleasure and an honour to be in Myanmar again to attend the 6th ASEAN-UN Summit. I congratulate President Thein Sein on Myanmar’s successful first Chairmanship of ASEAN. The United Nations welcomes Myanmar’s emergence to play a more active role in regional and international affairs.

I congratulate Myanmar on its achievements, including ambitious reforms aimed at improving the lives of its people. As the country prepares for a general election in 2015, it will face critical benchmarks. The Government and people of Myanmar can count on the support of the United Nations as they continue the process of democratization, development and national reconciliation.


The world is going through challenging times. We face multiple crises. Some, like the devastating Ebola outbreak in West Africa, or Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines, arise from nature and put our humanitarian response and our health systems to the test.

But many others are man-made, from the conflict in Syria and Iraq, to the threat of famine in South Sudan. Ordinary women, men and children pay the highest price. Intolerance, extremism and radicalization are on the rise, including in some countries in this region.

The United Nations is striving to address these challenges, with the support of its member states and in regional organizations, like ASEAN.

Seventy years after the adoption of the UN charter, this is a moment to join hands and renew our commitments to peace and security, human rights and development. 2015 will a crucial year for the international community to usher in a new era of sustainable development as we reach agreement on a post MDG agenda and its financing.

We are looking for a strong agreement on climate change. A two-degree increase in global temperatures poses a severe threat to many countries, and particularly coastal cities, in this region. We count on your support at the Conferences of Parties in Lima, Peru, next month and in Paris, France, next year.

On peace and security, I have just announced a major review of our peacekeeping operations and political missions, which will be led by Nobel Laureate and former leader of Timor-Leste, José Ramos-Horta.

We have also put in place a major initiative we call ‘Human Rights Up Front’ to improve our efforts to prevent and respond to the risk of serious violations of human rights.

On human rights, we look forward to ASEAN strengthening its monitoring and protection mandate and its human rights mechanisms, including the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights.

Discrimination against minorities and vulnerable groups, and violence against women, are serious challenges in the region. The UN stands ready to work with ASEAN and its Member States to strengthen national capacity to protect human rights, provide justice and promote accountability. Civil society has a crucial role to play in this effort and I encourage you to ensure the space and the freedoms such groups and organizations need to contribute to these national efforts.


We rely on the support of member states and regional organizations to enact this ambitious agenda.

I look forward to continuing to work closely with all of you for peace, human rights and development across Southeast Asia and around the world.

Thank you Mr. President.