End of Mission Statement by Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar

Yangon, 20 January 2017

Thank you for the opportunity to address you this evening. As you know I have just completed a 12-day visit to Myanmar and have visited parts of Kachin, Rakhine and Mon States as well as Yangon and Nay Pyi Taw. In Kachin, I stayed one night in Myitkyina as I was not allowed to go to Laiza and Hpakant. In Rakhine, I went to Koe Tan Kauk in Rathedaung; Buthidaung prison; and four villages in Maungdaw north. I met with IDPs in Myitkyina , and in Koe Tan Kauk, and Maungdaw, – I also visited Sittwe prison. During this trip, I visited for the first time a hard labour camp, in Mon State. In Nay Pyi Taw, I met with the State Counsellor as well as Government ministers of all the ministries I had asked to meet except for two. One was away and another ministry declined to see me as did the Commander-in-Chief. I also met with the Attorney General, as well as Governmental and Parliamentary Committees.  I will elaborate further on the issues I touch upon in this statement in my report to the Human Rights Council in March. For now, let me share with you my immediate impressions and observations.

There is one word that has hung heavily on my mind during this visit – reprisals. In every one of my visits and in every one of my meetings, I ask the Government of Myanmar to ensure that the people I speak to and even work with, do not suffer reprisals for speaking out on rights issues or expressing their opinions. Yet, distressingly several people I met during this visit would say to me, “I don’t know what will happen to me after our meeting.” In one case, an individual directly told me they thought they would be arrested following our conversation. In another village, where there were more than two communities living separately but side by side, I asked if that person was comfortable talking to me. The response: “I am afraid I will not give the right answer.”

I recall during my preparations before arriving, the news broke of a man having been beheaded – his only crime was apparently to have an opinion and to voice that opinion out loud. In fact, we still do not know the full circumstances leading to that man being beheaded. But the message is clear. Do not express yourself. Do not speak your mind if your opinion or position does not fit or support the narrative and agenda of those who have no qualms in how you live or die. Sadly, this is not an isolated incident. Reportedly, there are at least four more cases of beheadings.

Knowing that by talking to directly affected community members, I could in fact place them and their family’s lives at risk. Yet even more distressing is that many of those I speak to tell me they are willing to take the risk – they see speaking out as their only hope for change and want desperately for the rest of the world to be aware of the situation that they are in. As such I feel a greater responsibility to listen and give a voice to potential victims of human rights violations.  It is also a stark indicator that, whilst there have been positive developments in Myanmar, there is still a long way to go to achieve a society where individuals are free to share what has happened to them, to speak their mind, and to live peacefully without fear.

I know many of you here want to hear from me about the situation in Rakhine state, and several of these examples are from this state. I will of course get to Rakhine in more detail. However, I want to start, as I started my visit this time, with the extremely worrying situation in Kachin State, as well as in the north of Shan State. The plight of people in this area is too often overlooked, but sadly, here too, people are suffering and the hope generated by the outcome of the 2015 elections is starting to wane. As you know, for the last three visits I have asked to go to Rakhine, Kachin and northern Shan without fail. Due to time constraints imposed, I made the decision to limit my visit to Kachin and Rakhine.

I pushed hard to go to Laiza and Hpakant. In the past, I had always asked to go to Laiza but access was never granted. My predecessor in his last country visit had gone to Laiza area as had a high-ranking UN official more recently. Yet I was denied access for the fifth time due to security reasons. I also pushed hard to go to Hpakant. This is a Government-controlled area, but like Laiza, the Government did not confirm or deny access until the last minute. The reasons given for the refusal by the State government did not match those given by the Union Government. Furthermore, later that day, I met local interlocutors who had travelled all the way from Hpakant – a 5-6 hour journey to Myitkyina – to share with me their concerns and fears. The explanation I was given by the Government was that, as a ‘special guest,’ the Government was concerned about my security; and as a special guest, I would be apparently particularly targeted.

It is evident that the situation in Kachin and at the northern borders is deteriorating. Those in Kachin State tell me that the conditions have deteriorated – that the situation is now worse than at any point in the past few years. Whilst I was not able to travel to the areas most severely affected, the situation is now such that even in Myitkyina, the capital of the state and home to over 300,000 people, residents are afraid – and now stay home after dark.

I have heard that in active conflict areas the situation is far worse. I met a family who was displaced from Zai Awng IDP camp after shells fell nearby – they had fled in terror and resorted to digging a hole in the forest to stay in at night for six days whilst they tried to gather the funds needed to escape the area – six days in a hole with four children, the youngest a few months old and another only two. I heard after my visit, that some of those from the Zai Awng camp were displaced for a third time. These people have done nothing wrong, yet they suffer, merely because they live in an area, where others fight. When I raised this case with the State Government, and by state government meaning the military side, the response was again denial – I was told the IDP camp did not exist, as I was told before that in Kutkai there were no IDPs either.

Like I always do during my visits to Myanmar, I made a point of going to several places of detention during this trip; and when I was not allowed access to Laiza and Hpakant, I asked to make a day trip from Yangon to a hard labour camp [officially called a production camp] in Zin Gyaik, Mon State.  And as I always do in places of detention, I asked to meet those who are being held there in addition to making a site visit and observing the conditions of detention.

Some whom I met at the hard labour camp said they were afraid of what would happen to them after speaking to me. And a few described how they had the previous three days “off” from their usual hard labour work to clean their living and sleeping quarters as a “VIP was coming.” While some of the facilities appeared better than other prisons I have visited, major concerns from that visit to the hard labour camp are the use of shackles as a form of additional punishment (including while working in the quarry) as well as the lack of transparency and information shared with the prisoners regarding their selection and transfer from another prison to the hard labour camp. I also have a concern about the lack of an independent complaint system for the prisoners at this hard labour camp but unfortunately this is the case in all prison camps in Myanmar.

Besides the hard labour camp, I also visited Insein prison in Yangon, and Buthidaung and Sittwe prisons in Rakhine State. In these prisons, I met prisoners and detainees who were charged (and convicted) for criticising high-level Government or military officials, for raising human rights issues, for filing court cases against the Government and for not meeting the rules for peaceful assembly in attempts to express their concerns for the Government’s attention. I have received reports that over 40 people are now facing prosecution for defamation under section 66 (d) of the Telecommunications law – many of them merely for speaking their minds. In other meetings, lawyers taking on sensitive cases, reported harassment and even prosecution. I visited a Chin community in Sittwe. This community had raised an issue about limited drainage with their local authority, and in response an adjacent community built a road block at the entrance of the 11 Chin households. For nine months, the main access road for these 11 households was blocked despite complaints brought by the Chin community to the relevant authorities.

In Rakhine State, I asked to meet with some of those who had been arrested and detained for allegedly playing a role, active or supporting, in the armed attacks against the security forces in early October and mid-November. Except for one suspect whose family knew that the detainee had rights and sought a lawyer for him, the other prisoners did not have legal representation. They did not seem informed of the charges, if any, against them apart from being aware that they could be suspected of being associated with the attackers against the Border Guard posts on 9 October. Some had not been in communication with their family for the 2-3 months since they had been arrested. I further noted that their families – were not informed of their arrest or the location of where they were detained causing untold distress for families members. One suspect was certain that his family would think that he was dead and  during my visit to villages in Maungdaw, I met women whose husbands were in their words ‘taken away’ whom they believed would never come back. The prison officials told me that there are more than 450 individuals detained in Buthidaung in relation to the attack – meaning many families unaware and uninformed of this detention fearing that they will never see their loved ones again.

What has been said to me over and over by Government representatives regarding the 9 October attacks is that this was not an inter-communal violence or crisis; that this was a calculated attack against the sovereignty of Myanmar and that the Government rightly launched a security response. The Government described to me how the attacks occurred and I saw the three Border Guard posts concerned. I deplore these attacks carried out in a brutal manner and I convey my deepest condolences to the families of those killed.

Whilst authorities are required to respond to such attacks – the response must be carried out within the parameters of the rule of law and in full compliance with human rights. I saw with my own eyes the structures that were burnt down in Wa Peik, and it is hard for me to believe that these are consequent to actions taken in a hurry or haphazardly. I was told by Government officials – as had been reported – that it was the villagers who had burnt down their own houses. And the reason they would burn down their own houses was because these houses were of poor quality; and by burning down their own houses, they can expect to get international actors to come in and help build them better houses. The authorities offered no evidence for this, and I find this argument quite incredible.

Considering the policy of systematic and institutionalised discrimination against the Rohingya with limited access to education and healthcare services – basic services that the international actors have been ready to supply but blocked from providing, it would be quite far-fetched for them to suddenly think that the authorities would allow international actors to help build them better houses. The alternative argument given by the authorities were that this was part of the Rohingya villagers’ propaganda campaign to put the security services in a bad light. Again, I find it quite incredible that these desperate people are willing to burn down their own houses (where they may have lived for generations) to be without a home, potentially displaced, for five years or more like those in Sittwe, just to give the Government a bad name.

I must remind again that these attacks took place within the context of decades of systematic and institutionalised discrimination against the Rohingya population. Desperate individuals take desperate actions. And while such desperate actions in this case are not justified in any way, I do believe if the affected population had felt that the new Government would start addressing their situation and grievances, then extreme elements would not have easily been able to hijack their cause.

When the allegations of human rights violations consequent to the security operations started surfacing, the Government’s immediate response was to deny them. Even when a scientifically-based analysis of the burning and destruction of houses was presented, the immediate response was dismissal. Perhaps some of the portrayal of the situation may have been sensationalised. In fact at least one media outlet had reported that my access was blocked in Rakhine when this was not entirely true. But for the Government to continue being defensive when allegations of serious human rights violations are persistently reported, that is when the Government appears less and less credible. This perception is then reinforced when a video clip of the Myanmar Police personnel beating men – and children – who were rounded up during the security operations went viral. While the authorities may have swiftly responded in this case by arresting some of those captured in the video it highlights the possibility that such treatment of the local population by the security personnel may not be an isolated incident but rather a more common practice.

Over and over it has been said that trust needs to be built between the two communities in Rakhine State; that they need to learn to live together, as they had done for decades before. But I believe another important relationship that requires trust building is the relationship between the people and the Government, particularly with the security forces in this instance. By conducting a security operations with seemingly little regard for the rights and dignity of the majority population residing in the affected areas, the security forces have further weakened the trust the Muslim population had cautiously put into the new Government. It should not be a surprise, in this context, that many from among the Rohingya population have not welcomed the announcement of the resumption of the citizenship verification exercise and resumption of the issuance of the Identity Card for National Verification subsequent to the expiry of the TRC. The timing of this announcement while security operations are still on-going is concerning. Furthermore there has been no progress on the fundamental issues which have plagued previous attempts at conducting a citizenship verification exercise under the 1982 Citizenship law. It is evident that clear, timely and accessible information needs to be provided and further consultation undertaken. A fundamental problem still remains however when individuals who received citizenship in the last verification exercise are still not able to enjoy their rights as citizens. The situation in Myebon, where those granted citizenship remain subject to limitations, is a case in point.

Data and evidence is important here, and in order to assess, evaluate and respond to those needs, we need technical experts to help provide the most feasible response. We cannot make a broad assumption for example that there is no malnutrition in an area as the government-appointed investigation commission did – simply because the conditions for fishing or farming are favourable there. When there are available relevant data which had been obtained through a rigorous method by experts in their field, then the government should consult such data. We cannot simply dismiss data that it does not accept or fully understand.

Humanitarian actors are mandated to use their expertise to help suffering individuals but are currently being prevented from doing so by the Government. In Kachin and Shan States as well as in the north of Rakhine, humanitarian access is worse now than it was when I last visited, with access shrinking month on month and is allowed is subject to ever increasing bureaucratic hurdles. Access is slowly starting to improve in the North of Rakhine state, but it remains mostly limited to national staff, with international staff stuck in towns unable to do their jobs.

The government’s response to all of these problems seems to currently be to defend, dismiss and deny. And this response is not only counterproductive but is draining away the hope that had been sweeping the country. But I do believe it is not too late to reverse this trend, and during my visit, I also met many people who are doing their best in very difficult situations. I met groups working tirelessly to bring communities together. I was pleased to see many new public servants growing into their roles despite the constraints of an institutional structure that is far from perfect. Several ministry and local officials were keen to discuss the problems they face and were open to considering new ideas. This sense of openness and adaptability needs to be nurtured and spread.

It pains me to see when talking to the ordinary people of Myanmar during this visit their feelings of optimism and hope slowly fading just after one year when the whole country was elated with the outcome of the last general elections. From my meetings and conversations with the State Counsellor and the various officials, I can see their genuine commitment and dedication in improving the lives of all in Myanmar. Somehow this commitment has yet to translate into real actions that are felt on the ground. I encourage the Government to appeal to all communities in the country to be more open and understanding of each other, to respect each other instead of scapegoating others for the sake of advancing their own self-interests. It would be particularly important for the security forces to always act within the parameters of the rule of law and in compliance with human rights. It would be crucial for the Government to combat the apparent climate of impunity that seem to have emboldened certain extreme elements by taking the law into their own hands and meting out their own justice. There must be accountability and justice must be done and seen to be done to reassure the ordinary people that no one is above the law.

I would like for the Government, the military side including, to be open and accepting of the offer of assistance from other international actors, particularly the UN that always stand ready to support the successful democratic transition of Myanmar. I take this opportunity to thank the Government for its invitation and for maintaining cooperation with my mandate. I particularly would like to note with appreciation the efforts made to ensure my safety and that of my team. I would also like to thank the United Nations Country Team for their support and assistance.

As I have repeatedly said in the past, I stand ready to assist in the journey towards a more free and democratic Myanmar.

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MEDIA. BRIEFING BY THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR ON THE SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN MYANMAR

The Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, Prof. Yanghee Lee was on an official mission to Myanmar from 9 to 20 January 2017.

At the end of her mission, Professor Yanghee Lee will be briefing the media.

Date: 20 January 2017
Time : 19:00 to 20:00 hrs.
Venue: Chatrium Hotel Ballroom 2.

There is no need to pre-register. Media will be allowed in on presentation of valid media ID.

For further information please contact: U Aye Win (travelling with the Special Rapporteur). Mobile: 09 421060343, Email, wina@un.org.

Myanmar: UN rights expert launches new official visit to assess recent developments in the country

GENEVA (6 January 2017) – The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, will undertake her fifth information-gathering visit to the country from 9 to 20 January.

Ms. Lee plans to visit Kachin State (Myitkyina, Hpakant and Laiza) as well as Rakhine State (Sittwe, Rathedaung, Buthidaung and Maungdaw), in addition to Nay Pyi Taw and Yangon in order to assess recent developments.

“The events of the last few months have shown that the international community must remain vigilant in monitoring the human rights situation there,” the independent expert said.

“Apart from what is happening in Rakhine, the escalation in fighting in Kachin and Shan, with its inevitable negative impact on the situation of civilians, is causing some disquiet regarding the direction that the new Government is taking in its first year of administration,” she added.

During the 12-day visit, at the invitation of the Government, the Special Rapporteur will address a broad range of human rights issues with the authorities and various stakeholders, including political and community leaders, civil society representatives, as well as victims of human rights violations and members of the international community.

In line with her mandate from the UN Human Rights Council, Ms. Lee has proposed benchmarks to the Government ahead of her visit to help monitor and assess progress in the situation of human rights in Myanmar. By the end of her visit, she hopes to arrive at mutually agreed benchmarks with the Government, which will include priority areas for technical assistance and capacity building.

“My main objective, as Special Rapporteur, has always been to work closely with the authorities and people of Myanmar, for the promotion and protection of human rights in the country,” the expert noted.

“I look forward to the good cooperation which the Government has always extended to my mandate. I especially hope for the constructive and frank exchange of views which always take place during my visits to lead to real and meaningful change for the people of Myanmar,” she said.

Following her country visit, the human rights expert will present a report* to the UN Human Rights Council in March 2017.

press conference will be held at the end of the Special Rapporteur’s visit. Details on time and venue will be announced during the course of the visit. Access to the press conference will be strictly limited to journalists.

(*) Check the previous reports by the Special Rapporteur:  http://ap.ohchr.org/documents/dpage_e.aspx?m=89

ENDS

Ms. Yanghee Lee (Republic of Korea) was appointed by the UN Human Rights Council in 2014 as the Special Rapporteur on situation of human rights in Myanmar. She is independent from any government or organization and serves in her individual capacity. Ms. Lee is currently serving as the Chairperson of the Coordinating Committee of Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Ms. Lee served as member and chairperson of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (2003-2011). She is currently a professor at Sungkyunwan University, Seoul, and serves on the Advisory Committee of the National Human Rights Commission of Korea. Ms. Lee is the founding President of International Child Rights Center. Learn more, go to:
http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/SP/CountriesMandates/MM/Pages/SRMyanmar.aspx

The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms. Special Procedures mandate-holders are independent human rights experts appointed by the Human Rights Council to address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. They are not UN staff and are independent from any government or organization. They serve in their individual capacity and do not receive a salary for their work.

UN Human Rights, country page – Myanmar:
http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/AsiaRegion/Pages/MMIndex.aspx

For more information and media requests, please contact:
In Yangon (during the mission): Ms. Azwa Petra (+41 79 444 3781 / +95 9 259 262 084  / apetra@ohchr.org), U Aye Win, National Information Officer (+95 94 210 60343 / wina@un.org)

In Geneva (during the mission): Ms. Abeer Hashayka (+41 22 917 9407 / ahashayka@ohchr.org)

For media inquiries related to other UN independent experts:

Xabier Celaya, UN Human Rights – Media Unit (+ 41 22 917 9383 / xcelaya@ohchr.org)

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ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးအတွက် ပန်ကြားလွှာ

ကုလသမဂ္ဂအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးအတွက် ပန်ကြားလွှာ
၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်
နယူးယောက်မြို့

ကုလသမဂ္ဂအဖွဲ့ကြီး၏ အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်အဖြစ် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်သည့် ပထမနေ့တွင် ကျွန်ုပ်မှာ မေးခွန်းတစ်ရပ်ဖြင့် ရင်လေးရပါသည်။

အဆုံးမရှိသောစစ်ပွဲများကြောင့် ခံစားနေရပြီး ပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း၌ ပိတ်မိနေသော လူသန်းပေါင်းများစွာကို ကျွန်ုပ်တို့ မည်ကဲ့သို့ ကူညီကြရမည်ကို အဖြေရှာမရ ဖြစ်နေပါသည်။

အရပ်သားများမှာ သေစေနိုင်သော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုတို့ဖြင့် အထုအထောင်းခံနေရပါသည်။ ယောကျ်ား၊ မိန်းမနှင့် ကလေးများမှာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း ခံရသည်။ ဒဏ်ရာရရှိကြသည်။ မိမိနေရပ်မှ အဓ္ဓမ စွန့်ခွာစေခြင်း ခံရသည်။ ချွတ်ခြုံကျ မွဲတေလာကြသည်။ ဆေးရုံများနှင့် ထောက်ပံ့မှုယာဉ်တန်းများပင်လျှင် ပစ်မှတ်များ ဖြစ်လာကြသည်။

ဤစစ်ပွဲများသည် နိုင်သူမရှိ၊ ရှံူးသူသာရှိသည်။ လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ စီးပွားရေးအဆောက်အဦများကို ဒေါ်လာ ဘီလီယံထောင်ပေါင်းများစွာ အကုန်အကျခံ ဖျက်ဆီးပစ်ပြီး၊ မျိုးဆက်ပေါင်းများစွာတွင် မပြေပျောက်နိုင်သော သံသယနှင့် ကြောက်ရွံ့ခြင်း တို့ကို သံသရာလည်စေပါသည်။ ဒေသအလိုက် မတည်မငြိမ်ဖြစ််လာပြီး၊ ကမ္ဘာအဝှမ်းတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်မှု၏ ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုကြီး သက်ရောက်နေပါသည်။

နှစ်သစ်အခါသမယမှာ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးကို ရှေ့တန်းတင်ရန် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အားလုံး ကတိကဝတ် ပြုကြပါစို့။

သက္ကရာဇ် ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်မှာ ကျွနု်ပ်တို့အားလုံး၊ နိုင်ငံသူနိုင်ငံသားတိုင်း အစိုးရများနှင့် ခေါင်းဆောင်ကြီးများ တစ်ဦးနှင့်တစ်ဦး မတူညီမှုများကို ကျော်လွှားနိုင်ဖို့ ဆန္ဒပြုကြပါစို့။

လူသားတို့၏ နေ့စဉ်ဘဝများတွင် ပေါင်းစည်းမှု အကြင်နာတရား ထားရှိမှုဖြင့်လည်းကောင်း၊ နိုင်ငံရေးကွာဟမှုများကို အပြန်အလှန် စကားဖလှယ်ခြင်းနှင့် လေးစားမှုထားရှိခြင်းဖြင့်လည်းကောင်း၊ စစ်မြေပြင်တွင် အပစ်အခတ် ရပ်စဲခြင်းနှင့် ဆွေးနွေးမှု စားပွဲဝိုင်းများ၌ နိုင်ငံရေးအဖြေရှာရန် အပေးအယူလုပ်နိုင်ခြင်းဖြင့်လည်းကောင်း…..

ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးဟူသည် ကျွန်ုပ်တို့၏ ဦးတည်ချက်နှင့် လမ်းညွှန်ချက် ဖြစ်ရပါမည်။

လူသားတို့၏ မိသားစုအသိုုင်းအဝန်း တည်ဆောက်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းရာတွင် သိက္ခာထားရှိနိုင်ခြင်း၊ မျှော်လင့်ချက်ထားရှိနိုင်ခြင်းနှင့် တိုးတက်ဖွံ့ဖြိ်ုးမှု ရရှိနိုင်ခြင်း အားလုံးသည် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးအပေါ် မူတည်ပါသည်။

ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးသည်လည်း ကျွနု်ပ်တို့အပေါ် မူတည်ပါသည်။

ယနေ့မှစ၍ နေ့စဉ်နေ့တိုင်း ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး ရရှိဖို့ ကြိုးပမ်းကြရန် ကျွန်ုပ်နှင့်အတူ အားလုံးပါဝင်ကြဖို့ ကျွန်ုပ်အနေနှင့် ပန်ကြားလိုပါသည်။

သက္ကရာဇ် ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ်သည် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးနှစ် ဖြစ်လာဖို့ ကျွနု်ပ်တို့ ကြိုးပမ်းကြပါစို့။

ကျေးဇူးတင်ပါသည်။

ကုလသမဂၢအတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္၏ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ ပန္ၾကားလႊာ

ကုလသမဂၢအတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္၏ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ ပန္ၾကားလႊာ
၂၀၁၇ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဇန္နဝါရီလ ၁ ရက္
နယူးေယာက္ၿမိဳ႕


ကုလသမဂၢအဖြဲ႔ႀကီး၏  အတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္အျဖစ္ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္သည့္ ပထမေန႔တြင္ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္မွာ ေမးခြန္းတစ္ရပ္ျဖင့္ ရင္ေလးရပါသည္။

အဆံုးမရွိေသာစစ္ပြဲမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ခံစားေနရၿပီး ပဋိပကၡအတြင္း၌ ပိတ္မိေနေသာ လူသန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို ကၽြႏ္ုပ္တို႔ မည္ကဲ့သုိ႔ ကူညီၾကရမည္ကို အေျဖရွာမရ ျဖစ္ေနပါသည္။

အရပ္သားမ်ားမွာ ေသေစႏုိင္ေသာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈတို႔ျဖင့္ အထုအေထာင္းခံေနရပါသည္။ ေယာက်္ား၊ မိန္းမႏွင့္ ကေလးမ်ားမွာ သတ္ျဖတ္ျခင္း ခံရသည္။  ဒဏ္ရာရရွိၾကသည္။  မိမိေနရပ္မွ အဓၶမ စြန္႔ခြာေစျခင္း ခံရသည္။ ခၽြတ္ၿခံဳက် မြဲေတလာၾကသည္။  ေဆးရံုမ်ားႏွင့္ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈယာဥ္တန္းမ်ားပင္လွ်င္ ပစ္မွတ္မ်ား ျဖစ္လာၾကသည္။

ဤစစ္ပြဲမ်ားသည္ ႏိုင္သူမရွိ၊ ရွံဴးသူသာရွိသည္။  လူမႈအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား၊ စီးပြားေရးအေဆာက္အဦမ်ားကို ေဒၚလာ ဘီလီယံေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ အကုန္အက်ခံ ဖ်က္ဆီးပစ္ၿပီး၊ မ်ိဳးဆက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာတြင္ မေျပေပ်ာက္ႏိုင္ေသာ သံသယႏွင့္ ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ျခင္း တို႔ကို သံသရာလည္ေစပါသည္။ ေဒသအလိုက္ မတည္မၿငိမ္ျဖစ္္လာၿပီး၊ ကမၻာအဝွမ္းတြင္ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈ၏ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈႀကီး သက္ေရာက္ေနပါသည္။

ႏွစ္သစ္အခါသမယမွာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို ေရွ႕တန္းတင္ရန္ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္တို႔အားလံုး ကတိကဝတ္ ၿပဳၾကပါစို႔။

သကၠရာဇ္ ၂၀၁၇ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ကၽြႏု္ပ္တို႔အားလံုး၊ ႏိုင္ငံသူႏိုင္ငံသားတိုင္း အစိုးရမ်ားႏွင့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ား တစ္ဦးႏွင့္တစ္ဦး မတူညီမႈမ်ားကို ေက်ာ္လႊားႏိုင္ဖို႔ ဆႏၵျပဳၾကပါစို႔။

လူသားတို႔၏ ေန႔စဥ္ဘဝမ်ားတြင္ ေပါင္းစည္းမႈ အၾကင္နာတရား ထားရွိမႈျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးကြာဟမႈမ်ားကို အျပန္အလွန္ စကားဖလွယ္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ေလးစားမႈထားရွိျခင္းျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ စစ္ေျမျပင္တြင္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲျခင္းႏွင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈ စားပြဲဝိုင္းမ်ား၌ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျဖရွာရန္ အေပးအယူလုပ္ႏိုင္ျခင္းျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း…..

ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဟူသည္ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္တို႔၏ ဦးတည္ခ်က္ႏွင့္ လမ္းညႊန္ခ်က္ ျဖစ္ရပါမည္။

လူသားတို႔၏ မိသားစုအသုိုင္းအဝန္း တည္ေဆာက္ရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းရာတြင္ သိကၡာထားရွိႏိုင္ျခင္း၊ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ထားရွိႏိုင္ျခင္းႏွင့္ တိုးတက္ဖြံ႔ၿဖိ္ဳးမႈ ရရွိႏိုင္ျခင္း အားလံုးသည္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအေပၚ မူတည္ပါသည္။

ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးသည္လည္း ကၽြႏု္ပ္တို႔အေပၚ မူတည္ပါသည္။

ယေန႔မွစ၍ ေန႔စဥ္ေန႔တိုင္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ရရွိဖို႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းၾကရန္ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္ႏွင့္အတူ အားလံုးပါဝင္ၾကဖို႔ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္အေနႏွင့္ ပန္ၾကားလိုပါသည္။

သကၠရာဇ္ ၂၀၁၇ ခုႏွစ္သည္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏွစ္ ျဖစ္လာဖို႔ ကၽြႏု္ပ္တို႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းၾကပါစို႔။

ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါသည္။

Appeal for peace by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres

The Secretary-General
Appeal for Peace
1 January 2017
New York

On my first day as Secretary-General of the United Nations, one question weighs heavily on my heart.

How can we help the millions of people caught up in conflict, suffering massively in wars with no end in sight?

Civilians are pounded with deadly force. Women, children and men are killed and injured, forced from their homes, dispossessed and destitute. Even hospitals and aid convoys are targeted.

No one wins these wars; everyone loses. Trillions of dollars are spent destroying societies and economies, fueling cycles of mistrust and fear that can last for generations. Whole regions are destabilized and the new threat of global terrorism affects us all.

On this New Year’s Day, I ask all of you to join me in making one shared New Year’s resolution:

Let us resolve to put peace first.

Let us make 2017 a year in which we all – citizens, governments, leaders – strive to overcome our differences.

From solidarity and compassion in our daily lives, to dialogue and respect across political divides… From ceasefires on the battlefield, to compromise at the negotiating table to reach political solutions…

Peace must be our goal and our guide.

All that we strive for as a human family – dignity and hope, progress and prosperity – depends on peace.

But peace depends on us.

I appeal to you all to join me in committing to peace, today and every day.

Let us make 2017 a year for peace.

Thank you.

အန်သော်နျူး ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ် (António Guterres) ၏ ကိုယ်ရေးအကျဉ်း

ကုလသမဂ္ဂ၏ နဝမအကြိမ်မြောက် အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ် အန်သော်နျူး ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ် သည် ၂၀၁၇ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် စတင် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။

ဒုက္ခသည်စခန်းများနှင့် စစ်မက်ဇုံများတွင် ကမ္ဘာပေါ်ရှိ ဒုက္ခသင့်လွယ်ဆုံးလူထု၏ ဆင်းရဲဒုက္ခကို မျက်မြင်ကိုယ်တွေ့ ကြုံခဲ့ဘူးသူ ဖြစ်သဖြင့် အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်သည် မိမိ တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ရာတွင် လူ့ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို ဗဟိုပြုသွားရန်၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး ဖော်ဆောင်ညှိနှိုင်းရန်နှင့် ပေါင်းကူးတံတားကဲ့သို့ ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုနှင့် ဆန်းသစ်မှုကိုလည်း အားပေးသွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။

အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်အဖြစ် ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ခြင်း မခံရမီ မစ္စတာ ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ်သည် ဒုက္ခသည်များဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ မဟာမင်းကြီးအဖြစ် ၂၀၀၅ ခုနှစ် ဇွန်လမှ ၂၀၁၅ ခုနှစ် ဒီဇင်ဘာလအထိ တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၎င်းရာထူးဖြင့် သူသည် ကမ္ဘာပေါ်တွင် ပထမဆုံးဖြစ်သော လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အဖွဲ့အစည်းကို ဦးဆောင်ခဲ့ပြီး ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာတွင် အဆိုးရွားဆုံး နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာမှု ပြဿနာများကို ဖြေရှင်းခဲ့ပါ သည်။ ဆီးရီးယားနိုင်ငံနှင့် အီရတ်နိုင်ငံတို့တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော ပဋိပက္ခများ၊ တောင်ပိုင်း ဆူဒန် နိုင်ငံ၊ အာဖရိက ဗဟိုပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ရီမင်နိုင်ငံတို့တွင် ဖြစ်ပွားခဲ့သော အရေးအခင်းများကြောင့် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဒုက္ခသည်များဆိုင်ရာ မဟာမင်းကြီးရုံး (UNHCR) ၏ လုပ်ငန်းများ တိုးချဲ့လာခဲ့ပါသည်။ တစ်ချိန်တည်းမှာပင် ပဋိပက္ခနှင့် ဖိနှို်ပ်မှုကြောင့် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာခဲ့သူများသည် ၂၀၁၅ ခုနှစ်တွင် သန်း ၆၀ အထိ တိုးမြင့် လာပါသည်။

UNHCR တွင် တာဝန် မထမ်းဆောင်မီ၊ မစ္စတာ ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ်သည် အစိုးရဝန်ထမ်း အဖြစ် နှစ် ၂၀ ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၁၉၉၅ ခုနှစ်မှ ၂၀၀၂ ခုနှစ်အထိ ပေါ်တူဂီ နိုင်ငံ ဝန်ကြီးချုပ် အဖြစ်တာဝန်ယူခဲ့ပြီး၊ အရှေ့တီမော အရေးအခင်းကိစ္စ ဖြေရှင်းရန် နိုင်ငံတကာကြိုးပမ်းမှုတွင် အပြင်းအထန်အားထုတ််ခဲ့ပါသည်။

သူသည် သက္ကရာဇ် ၂၀၀၀ ပြည့် အစောပိုင်းတွင် ဥရောပကောင်စီ၏ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌအဖြစ် တာဝန်ယူခဲ့စဉ် ကြီးပွားတိုးတက်မှုနှင့် အလုပ်အကိုင်ဆိုင်ရာ အစီအစဉ်ကို အတည်ပြုရန် ဦးဆောင်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ ပထမအကြိမ် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂနှင့် အာဖရိက ထိပ်သီးညီလာခံကိုလည်း ပူးတွဲ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌအဖြစ် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။

၁၉၇၆ ခုနှစ်တွင် မစ္စတာ ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ်သည် ပေါ်တူဂီနိုင်ငံ ပါလီမန်အမတ်အဖြစ် ရွေးချယ်တင်မြှောက်ခြင်းခံခဲ့ရပါသည်။ ထိုရာထူးတွင် ၁၇ နှစ်ကြာ ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ စီးပွားရေး၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှင့် စီမံရေး ပါလီမန်ကော်မတီကို ဥက္ကဋ္ဌရာထူးမှ ဦးဆောင်ခဲ့ပါ သည်။ ထို့နောက် နယ်နမိတ် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး၊ စည်ပင်နယ်နမိတ်များနှင့် ပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ဆိုင်ရာ ပါလီမန်ကော်မတီကို ဦးဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ မစ္စတာ ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ်သည် မိမိပါတီ၏ ပါလီမန်ရေးရာအဖွဲ့ကိုလည်း ဦးဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။

၁၉၈၁ ခုနှစ်မှ ၁၉၈၃ ခုနှစ်အထိ မစ္စတာ ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ်သည် ဥရောပကောင်စီ၏ ပါလီမန်ညီလာခံအဖွဲ့ဝင် တစ်ဦးအဖြစ် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုရာထူးတွင် ၎င်းက လူဦးရေဆိုင်ရာ လေ့လာမှု၊ ရွှေ့ပြောင်းသွားလာနေထိုင်ခြင်းနှင့် ဒုက္ခသည်များဆိုင်ရာ ကော်မတီကို ဥက္ကဋ္ဌနေရာမှ ဦးဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။

မစ္စတာ ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ်သည် နိုင်ငံတကာ ဆိုရှယ်ဒီမိုကရက်တစ် နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီများ ပါဝင်ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသည့် Socialist International တွင် ပါဝင်လှုပ်ရှားခဲ့ပါသည်။ ထိုအဖွဲ့အစည်းတွင် မစ္စတာ ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ်သည် ဒုတိယဥက္ကဋ္ဌအဖြစ် ၁၉၉၂ ခုနှစ်မှ ၁၉၉၉ ခုနှစ်အထိ တာဝန်ယူခဲ့သည့်အပြင် အာဖရိကကော်မတီနှင့် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးမှု ကော်မတီတွင်လည်း ဒုတိယဥက္ကဋ္ဌအဖြစ် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ မစ္စတာ ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ်သည် ၁၉၉၉ ခုနှစ်မှ သက္ကရာဇ် ၂၀၀၅ ခုနှစ်အလယ်အထိ Socialist International တွင် ဥက္ကဋ္ဌအဖြစ် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။ သူသည် ပေါ်တူဂီနိုင်ငံ၏ ဒုက္ခသည်များကောင်စီကိုလည်းကောင်း၊ ပေါ်တူဂီနိုင်ငံ စားသုံးသူများအသင်း DECO ကိုလည်းကောင်း တည်ထောင်ခဲ့ပြီး ၁၉၇၀ ပြည့်လွန် အစောပိုင်းတွင် လစ္စဘွန်းမြို့၏ ဆင်းရဲသောရပ်ကွက်များတွင် လူမှုဖွံ့ဖြိုးမှု စီမံကိန်း များ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တည်ထောင်ထားသည့် Centro de Acção Social Universitário အဖွဲ့၏ ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ အဖြစ် တာဝန်ထမ်းဆောင်ခဲ့ပါသည်။

မစ္စတာ ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ်သည် နိုင်ငံတကာ ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်သမ္မတဟောင်းများနှင့် ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်ဟောင်းများဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းထားသည့် Club of Madrid ခေါင်းဆောင်များ ညွန့်ပေါင်းအဖွဲ့တွင် အဖွဲ့ဝင်အဖြစ် ပါဝင်ပါသည်။

မစ္စတာ ဂူးတဲရက်ရှ်သည် ၁၉၄၉ ခုနှစ် လစ္စဘွန်းမြို့တွင် မွေးဖွားခဲဲ့ပြီး၊ Instituto Superior Técnico မှ အင်ဂျင်နီယာဘွဲ့ ရရှိခဲ့ပါသည်။ ၎င်းသည် ပေါ်တူဂီ၊ အင်္ဂလိပ်၊ ပြင်သစ်နှင့် စပိန်ဘာသာစကားများကို ကျွမ်းကျင်စွာ တတ်မြောက်ပါသည်။ ၎င်းသည် လစ္စဘွန်းမြို့ ယဉ်ကျေးမှုဆိုင်ရာ ဒုတိယမြို့တော်ဝန် Catarina de Almeida Vaz Pinto ထိမ်းမြားလက်ထပ်ထားပြီး၊ သားသမီး နှစ်ယောက်၊ ဇနီးမှပါသော သား တစ်ယောက်နှင့် မြေး သုံးယောက် ရှိပါသည်။

အန္ေသာ္ႏ်ဴး ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္ (António Guterres) ၏ ကိုယ္ေရးအက်ဥ္း

ကုလသမဂၢ၏ နဝမအႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ အတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ အန္ေသာ္ႏ်ဴး ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္ သည္ ၂၀၁၇ ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္နဝါရီလ ၁ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ စတင္ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။

ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္မက္ဇံုမ်ားတြင္ ကမၻာေပၚရွိ ဒုကၡသင့္လြယ္ဆံုးလူထု၏ ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡကို မ်က္ျမင္ကိုယ္ေတြ႔ ႀကံဳခဲ့ဘူးသူ ျဖစ္သျဖင့္ အတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္သည္ မိမိ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ရာတြင္ လူ႔ဂုဏ္သိကၡာကို ဗဟိုျပဳသြားရန္၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ညွိႏိႈင္းရန္ႏွင့္ ေပါင္းကူးတံတားကဲ့သို႔ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။  ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈႏွင့္ ဆန္းသစ္မႈကိုလည္း အားေပးသြားမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

အတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္အျဖစ္ ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမွာက္ျခင္း မခံရမီ မစၥတာ ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္သည္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢ မဟာမင္းႀကီးအျဖစ္ ၂၀၀၅ ခုႏွစ္ ဇြန္လမွ ၂၀၁၅ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလအထိ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။  ၎ရာထူးျဖင့္ သူသည္ ကမၻာေပၚတြင္ ပထမဆံုးျဖစ္ေသာ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းကို ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့ၿပီး ဆယ္စုႏွစ္မ်ားစြာတြင္ အဆိုးရြားဆံုး ေနရပ္စြန္႔ခြာမႈ ျပႆနာမ်ားကို ေျဖရွင္းခဲ့ပါ သည္။  ဆီးရီးယားႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ အီရတ္ႏိုင္ငံတို႔တြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ ပဋိပကၡမ်ား၊ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ဆူဒန္ ႏိုင္ငံ၊ အာဖရိက ဗဟိုျပည္ေထာင္စုႏွင့္ ရီမင္ႏိုင္ငံတို႔တြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ အေရးအခင္းမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီးရံုး (UNHCR) ၏ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ား တိုးခ်ဲ႕လာခဲ့ပါသည္။  တစ္ခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပင္ ပဋိပကၡႏွင့္ ဖိႏိႈ္ပ္မႈေၾကာင့္ ေနရပ္စြန္႔ခြာခဲ့သူမ်ားသည္ ၂၀၁၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ သန္း ၆၀ အထိ တိုးျမင့္ လာပါသည္။

UNHCR တြင္ တာဝန္ မထမ္းေဆာင္မီ၊ မစၥတာ ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္သည္ အစိုးရဝန္ထမ္း အျဖစ္ ႏွစ္ ၂၀ ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။  ၁၉၉၅ ခုႏွစ္မွ ၂၀၀၂ ခုႏွစ္အထိ ေပၚတူဂီ ႏိုင္ငံ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ အျဖစ္တာဝန္ယူခဲ့ၿပီး၊ အေရွ႕တီေမာ အေရးအခင္းကိစၥ ေျဖရွင္းရန္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈတြင္ အျပင္းအထန္အားထုတ္္ခဲ့ပါသည္။

သူသည္ သကၠရာဇ္ ၂၀၀၀ ျပည့္ အေစာပိုင္းတြင္ ဥေရာပေကာင္စီ၏ ဥကၠ႒အျဖစ္ တာဝန္ယူခဲ့စဥ္ ႀကီးပြားတုိးတက္မႈႏွင့္ အလုပ္အကိုင္ဆိုင္ရာ အစီအစဥ္ကို အတည္ျပဳရန္ ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ပထမအႀကိမ္ ဥေရာပသမဂၢႏွင့္ အာဖရိက ထိပ္သီးညီလာခံကိုလည္း ပူးတြဲ ဥကၠ႒အျဖစ္ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။

၁၉၇၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ မစၥတာ ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္သည္ ေပၚတူဂီႏိုင္ငံ ပါလီမန္အမတ္အျဖစ္ ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမွာက္ျခင္းခံခဲ့ရပါသည္။  ထုိရာထူးတြင္ ၁၇ ႏွစ္ၾကာ ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ၿပီး၊ စီးပြားေရး၊ ဘ႑ာေရးႏွင့္ စီမံေရး ပါလီမန္ေကာ္မတီကို ဥကၠ႒ရာထူးမွ ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါ သည္။  ထို႔ေနာက္ နယ္နမိတ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး၊ စည္ပင္နယ္နမိတ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္ ဆိုင္ရာ ပါလီမန္ေကာ္မတီကို ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။   မစၥတာ ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္သည္ မိမိပါတီ၏ ပါလီမန္ေရးရာအဖြဲ႔ကိုလည္း ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။

၁၉၈၁ ခုႏွစ္မွ ၁၉၈၃ ခုႏွစ္အထိ မစၥတာ ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္သည္ ဥေရာပေကာင္စီ၏ ပါလီမန္ညီလာခံအဖြဲ႔ဝင္ တစ္ဦးအျဖစ္ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။  ထိုရာထူးတြင္ ၎က လူဦးေရဆိုင္ရာ ေလ့လာမႈ၊ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းသြားလာေနထိုင္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာ ေကာ္မတီကို ဥကၠ႒ေနရာမွ ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။

မစၥတာ ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္သည္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ဆိုရွယ္ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ား ပါဝင္ဖဲြ႔စည္းထားသည့္ Socialist International တြင္ ပါဝင္လႈပ္ရွားခဲ့ပါသည္။  ထိုအဖြဲ႔အစည္းတြင္ မစၥတာ ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္သည္ ဒုတိယဥကၠ႒အျဖစ္ ၁၉၉၂ ခုႏွစ္မွ ၁၉၉၉ ခုႏွစ္အထိ တာဝန္ယူခဲ့သည့္အျပင္ အာဖရိကေကာ္မတီႏွင့္ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးမႈ ေကာ္မတီတြင္လည္း ဒုတိယဥကၠ႒အျဖစ္ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။  မစၥတာ ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္သည္ ၁၉၉၉ ခုႏွစ္မွ သကၠရာဇ္ ၂၀၀၅ ခုႏွစ္အလယ္အထိ Socialist International တြင္ ဥကၠ႒အျဖစ္ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။  သူသည္ ေပၚတူဂီႏိုင္ငံ၏ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားေကာင္စီကိုလည္းေကာင္း၊ ေပၚတူဂီႏိုင္ငံ စားသံုးသူမ်ားအသင္း DECO ကိုလည္းေကာင္း တည္ေထာင္ခဲ့ၿပီး ၁၉၇၀ ျပည့္လြန္ အေစာပိုင္းတြင္ လစၥဘြန္းၿမိဳ႕၏ ဆင္းရဲေသာရပ္ကြက္မ်ားတြင္ လူမႈဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးမႈ စီမံကိန္း မ်ား ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ တည္ေထာင္ထားသည့္ Centro de Acção Social Universitário အဖြဲ႔၏ ဥကၠ႒ အျဖစ္ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။

မစၥတာ ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္သည္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္သမၼတေဟာင္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္းမ်ားျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားသည့္ Club of Madrid ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ညြန္႔ေပါင္းအဖြ႔ဲတြင္ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္အျဖစ္ ပါဝင္ပါသည္။

မစၥတာ ဂူးတဲရက္ရွ္သည္ ၁၉၄၉ ခုႏွစ္ လစၥဘြန္းၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ေမြးဖြားခဲဲ့ၿပီး၊ Instituto Superior Técnico  မွ အင္ဂ်င္နီယာဘြဲ႔ ရရွိခဲ့ပါသည္။  ၎သည္ ေပၚတူဂီ၊ အဂၤလိပ္၊ ျပင္သစ္ႏွင့္ စပိန္ဘာသာစကားမ်ားကို ကၽြမ္းက်င္စြာ တတ္ေျမာက္ပါသည္။  ၎သည္ လစၥဘြန္းၿမိဳ႕ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈဆုိင္ရာ ဒုတိယၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ဝန္ Catarina de Almeida Vaz Pinto ထိမ္းျမားလက္ထပ္ထားၿပီး၊ သားသမီး ႏွစ္ေယာက္၊ ဇနီးမွပါေသာ သား တစ္ေယာက္ႏွင့္ ေျမး သံုးေယာက္  ရွိပါသည္။

António Guterres – Biography

António Guterres, the ninth Secretary-General of the United Nations, took office on 1st January 2017.

Having witnessed the suffering of the most vulnerable people on earth, in refugee camps and in war zones, the Secretary-General is determined to make human dignity the core of his work, and to serve as a peace broker, a bridge-builder and a promoter of reform and innovation.

Prior to his election as Secretary-General, Mr. Guterres served as United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees from June 2005 to December 2015,  heading one of the world’s foremost humanitarian organizations during some of the most serious displacement crises in decades. The conflicts in Syria and Iraq, and the crises in South Sudan, the Central African Republic and Yemen, led to a huge rise in UNHCR’s activities as the number of people displaced by conflict and persecution rose from 38 million in 2005 to over 60 million in 2015.

Before joining UNHCR, Mr. Guterres spent more than 20 years in government and public service. He served as prime minister of Portugal from 1995 to 2002, during which time he was heavily involved in the international effort to resolve the crisis in East Timor.

As president of the European Council in early 2000, he led the adoption of the Lisbon Agenda for growth and jobs, and co-chaired the first European Union-Africa summit. He was a member of the Portuguese Council of State from 1991 to 2002.

Mr. Guterres was elected to the Portuguese Parliament in 1976 where he served as a member for 17 years. During that time, he chaired the Parliamentary Committee for Economy, Finance and Planning, and later the Parliamentary Committee for Territorial Administration, Municipalities and Environment. He was also leader of his party’s parliamentary group.

From 1981 to 1983, Mr. Guterres was a member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, where he chaired the Committee on Demography, Migration and Refugees.

For many years Mr. Guterres was active in the Socialist International, a worldwide organization of social democratic political parties. He was the group’s vice-president from 1992 to 1999, co-chairing the African Committee and later the Development Committee. He served as President from 1999 until mid-2005. In addition, he founded the Portuguese Refugee Council as well as the Portuguese Consumers Association DECO, and served as president of the Centro de Acção Social Universitário, an association carrying out social development projects in poor neighbourhoods of Lisbon, in the early 1970s.

Mr. Guterres is a member of the Club of Madrid, a leadership alliance of democratic former presidents and prime ministers from around the world.

Mr. Guterres was born in Lisbon in 1949 and graduated from the Instituto Superior Técnico with a degree in engineering. He is fluent in Portuguese, English, French and Spanish. He is married to Catarina de Almeida Vaz Pinto, Deputy Mayor for Culture of Lisbon, and has two children, a stepson and three grandchildren.