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MEDIA ADVISORY – Cox’s Bazar: UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar to visit Bangladesh – 20 to 23 February

Cox’s Bazar: UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar to visit Bangladesh – 20 to 23 February



GENEVA (17 February) – The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, will undertake a visit to Bangladesh from 20 to 23 February to visit various locations in Cox’s Bazar, where the population who had fled from Myanmar since 9 October 2016 are residing temporarily in makeshift shelters.


“The announcement that the military security operations in the north of Rakhine has ceased is welcomed. However, we cannot forget the numerous allegations of grave human rights violations recorded by the team deployed by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to Cox’s Bazar last month,” Ms. Lee said recalling the 3 February
OHCHR’s flash report based on the testimonies of over 200 individuals.

The human rights expert, who plans to visit Cox’s Bazar and related areas, will focus on the situation of the specific population from Myanmar who had crossed into Bangladesh in the past 4-5 months and the events which have led to their crossing over into the country
.

“Having access to these affected communities would help give me a better understanding of their human rights situation in Myanmar,” she said.


Following her three-day visit to Bangladesh, the human rights expert will issue an
end of mission statement and share her findings when she presents a new report to the UN Human Rights Council on 13 March 2017. The report will be posted online.

ENDS


Professor Yanghee Lee (Republic of Korea) was appointed by the UN Human Rights Council in 2014 as the
Special Rapporteur on situation of human rights in Myanmar. She is independent from any government or organization and serves in her individual capacity. Ms. Lee is currently serving as the Chairperson of the Coordinating Committee of Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Ms. Lee served as member and chairperson of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (2003-2011). She is currently a professor at Sungkyunwan University, Seoul, and serves on the Advisory Committee of the National Human Rights Commission of Korea. Ms. Lee is the founding President of International Child Rights Center.

The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the
Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms. Special Procedures mandate-holders are independent human rights experts appointed by the Human Rights Council to address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. They are not UN staff and are independent from any government or organization. They serve in their individual capacity and do not receive a salary for their work.

UN Human Rights, country page:
Myanmar.

For more information and
media requests, please contact Ms. Azwa Petra (+41 22 928 9103 / apetra@ohchr.org) 

For
media inquiries related to other UN independent experts: 
Xabier Celaya, OHCHR Media Unit (+ 41 22 917 9383 /
xcelaya@ohchr.org)

You can access this media advisory online


Tag and share – Twitter:
@UNHumanRights and Facebook: unitednationshumanrights 

GGGI and Myanmar to partner on national green growth

NAY PYI TAW, MYANMAR February 9, 2017 – The Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment (MONREC) in Myanmar and the Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI) today signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to promote and facilitate collaboration on programs, research and joint activities that advance green growth in Myanmar.

The opening up of Myanmar’s economy in recent years has accelerated growth –  the World Bank projects the country’s medium term GDP growth at an average of 8.2 percent per year. However, this growth relies heavily on natural resources such as energy, forests, minerals and agriculture for exports and industries, which makes it essential that the growth pattern is environmentally sustainable.

H.E. U Khin Maung Yi, Permanent Secretary, Natural Resources and Environment said, “Myanmar is at a juncture in its development. We are welcoming foreign investment and stimulating SMEs. We see rapid urban development and industrialization. This will affect natural resources. It is crucial that we safeguard a green, sustainable development pathway. Therefore, we are glad to be signing a six-year agreement with GGGI today. “

The MOU signing took place in the capital Nay Pyi Taw during the Green Growth Potential Assessment (GGPA) workshop. The GGPA is a diagnostic tool which is used to identify areas where green growth has the highest potential of supporting the economic development of Myanmar. The exercise aims to select priorities for cooperation between GGGI and the government of Myanmar for the next five years.

“Myanmar has the potential to establish the foundations for strong, low-carbon economy that is sustainable in the use of natural resources, and resilient to climate change,” said Dr. Frank Rijsberman, Director-General of GGGI. “GGGI is committed to partnering with the government to identify green growth opportunities and leverage green investment.”

GGGI’s first project in Myanmar will focus on supporting the government in setting up a monitoring, reporting and verification (MRV) system for its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC). This will allow the Government of Myanmar to monitor progress against the commitment it made as part of the Paris Agreement in 2015 to mitigate and adapt to climate change.

About the Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI)

Based in Seoul, GGGI is an intergovernmental organization founded to support and promote green growth. The organization partners with countries to help them build economies that grow strongly, are more efficient and sustainable in the use of natural resources, less carbon intensive, and more resilient to climate change. GGGI works with countries around the world, building their capacity and working collaboratively on green growth policies that can impact the lives of millions. To learn more about GGGI, see http://www.gggi.org and visit us on Facebook and Twitter.


The release has been posted on the GGGI website here.

Applications for 2017 fellowship programme for journalists sponsored by Dag Hammarskjöld Fund for Journalists

DAG HAMMARSKJÖLD FUND FOR JOURNALISTS
132 East 43rd Street, No. 457
New York, NY  10017
917-577-4568 │www.unjournalismfellowship.org

PRESS RELEASE

United Nations, New York.  The Dag Hammarskjöld Fund for Journalists is now accepting applications from professional journalists from developing countries for its 2017 fellowship program. The application deadline is March 20, 2017.

The fellowships are available to radio, television, print and web journalists, age 25 to 35, from developing countries who are interested in coming to New York to report on international affairs during the 72nd session of the United Nations General Assembly.  The fellowships will begin in early September and extend to late November and will include the cost of travel and accommodations in New York, as well as a per diem allowance.

The fellowship program is open to journalists who are native to one of the developing countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America/the Caribbean and are currently working for media organizations. Applicants must demonstrate an interest in and commitment to international affairs and to conveying a better understanding of the United Nations to their readers and audiences.  They must also have approval from their media organizations to spend up to three months in New York to report from the United Nations.

In an effort to rotate recipient countries, the Fund will not consider journalist applications for 2017 from nations selected in 2016:  Argentina, Indonesia, Iran and Tajikistan.  Journalists from these countries may apply in 2018.

Four journalists are selected each year after a review of all applications. The journalists who are awarded fellowships are given the incomparable opportunity to observe international diplomatic deliberations at the United Nations, to make professional contacts that will serve them for years to come, to interact with seasoned journalists from around the world, and to gain a broader perspective and understanding of matters of global concern.  Many past fellows have risen to prominence in their professional and countries. The program is not intended to provide basic skills training to journalists; all participants are media professionals.

Full fellowship eligibility criteria and documentation requirements as well as the fellowship application form can be found on the Fund’s web site at www.unjournalismfellowship.org

Questions about the program, eligibility and application process can be directed by email to fellowship2017@unjournalismfellowship.org.

_______________________________

IF YOU REQUIRE A PDF OR OTHER ELECTRONIC VERSION OF THIS MESSAGE, PLEASE WRITE TO fellowship2017@unjournalismfellowship.org OR CALL 917-577-4568.

Statement by Adama Dieng, United Nations Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide following OHCHR’s report on the situation in northern Rakhine State, Myanmar

(New York, 6 February 2017)

The United Nations Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, Adama Dieng, stated that he was shocked and alarmed to read the accounts of serious human rights violations being committed against Muslim Rohingya in northern Rakhine State by Myanmar’s security forces, as set out in the report published on 3 February by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). According to the findings of the report, human rights violations committed by the security forces include mass gang-rape, extra judicial killings – including of babies and young children – brutal beatings and disappearances. These attacks have taken place in the context of an escalation of violence in northern Rakhine State since border security posts were attacked by armed assailants in early October 2016.

There have been allegations that security forces were committing serious human rights violations against the civilian population of northern Rakhine State from the very beginning of the recent escalation of violence. “I and many others have been urging the authorities to conduct an independent and impartial investigation into these allegations. The investigation conducted by OHCHR gives further credibility to those accounts and describes a level of dehumanization and cruelty that is revolting, and unacceptable. This must stop right now!”

The Special Adviser welcomed the Government’s commitment to investigate the matter immediately. The commission previously appointed by the Government to investigate allegations of human rights violations in norther Rakhine state, which was led by Vice-President U Myint Swe, reported just a few weeks ago that it had found no evidence, or insufficient evidence, of any wrongdoing by Government forces.

“I am concerned that the Government Commission, which had unhindered access to the location of the incidents, found nothing to substantiate the claims, while OHCHR, which was not given access to the area, found an overwhelming number of testimonies and other forms of evidence through interviews with refugees who had fled to a neighbouring country” stated the Special Adviser. “The existing Commission is not a credible option to undertake the new investigation. I urge that any investigation be conducted by a truly independent and impartial body that includes international observers. If the Government wants the international community and regional actors to believe in their willingness to resolve the matter, they must act responsibly and demonstrate their sincerity.”

According to the Special Adviser, “There is no more time to wait. All of this is happening against the background of very deeply rooted and long-standing discriminatory practices and policies against the Rohingya Muslims and a failure to put in place conditions that would support peaceful coexistence among the different communities in Rakhine State. If people are being persecuted based on their identity and killed, tortured, raped and forcibly transferred in a widespread or systematic manner, this could amount to crimes against humanity, and in fact be the precursor of other egregious international crimes. The Government has a responsibility to protect its populations against these atrocious and punishable acts.”

* *** *

For media queries please contact:
Claudia Diaz, Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect
http://www.un.org/en/preventgenocide/adviser/
Phone: +1 917-367-2061; Email: diazc@un.org

A Continent of Hope

By António Guterres

Far too often, the world views Africa through the prism of problems.  When I look to Africa, I see a continent of hope, promise and vast potential.

I am committed to building on those strengths and establishing a higher platform of cooperation between the United Nations and the leaders and people of Africa.  This is essential to advancing inclusive and sustainable development and deepening cooperation for peace and security.

That is the message I carried to the recent African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia — my first major mission as United Nations Secretary-General.

Above all, I came in a spirit of profound solidarity and respect.  I am convinced that the world has much to gain from African wisdom, ideas and solutions.

I also brought with me a deep sense of gratitude.  Africa provides the majority of United Nations peacekeepers around the world.  African nations are among the world’s largest and most generous hosts of refugees.  Africa includes some of the world’s fastest growing economies.

The recent resolution of the political crisis in the Gambia once again demonstrated the power of African leadership and unity to overcome governance challenges and uphold democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

I left the Summit more convinced than ever that all of humanity will benefit by listening, learning and working with the people of Africa.

We have the plans in place to build a better future.  The international community has entered the second year of implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, an all-out effort to tackle global poverty, inequality, instability and injustice.  Africa has adopted its own complementary and ambitious plan: Agenda 2063.

For the people of Africa to fully benefit from these important efforts, these two agendas need to be strategically aligned.

It starts with prevention.  Our world needs to move from managing crises to preventing them in the first place.  We need to break the cycle of responding too late and too little.

Most of today’s conflicts are internal, triggered by competition for power and resources, inequality, marginalization and sectarian divides.  Often, they are inflamed by violent extremism or provide the fuel for it.

The United Nations is committed to working hand-in-hand with partners wherever conflict or the threat of conflict endangers stability and well-being.

But prevention goes far beyond focusing solely on conflict.  The best means of prevention and the surest path to durable peace is inclusive and sustainable development.

We can speed progress by doing more to provide opportunities and hope to young people.  More than three out of five Africans are under 35 years of age.  Making the most of this tremendous asset means more investment in education, training, decent work, and engaging young people in shaping their future.

We must also do our utmost to empower women so they can play a full role in sustainable development and sustainable peace.  I am pleased that the African Union has consistently placed a special focus on gender equality and women’s empowerment.

I have seen it again and again:  When we empower women, we empower the world.

I travelled to Africa as a partner, friend and committed advocate for changing the narrative about this diverse and vital continent.  Crises represent at best a partial view.  But from a higher platform of cooperation, we can see the whole picture – one that spotlights the enormous potential and remarkable success stories in every corner of the African continent.

With that perspective, I have no doubt we can win the battle for sustainable and inclusive development which are also the best weapons to prevent conflict and suffering, allowing Africa to shine even more vibrantly and inspire the world.


 António Guterres is Secretary-General of the United Nations

PRESS STATEMENT

PRESS STATEMENT

Yangon, Myanmar, 30 January, 2017. The UN Resident Coordinator in Myanmar condemns in the strongest terms the killing of U Ko Ni who was shot dead at the Yangon airport on 29 January, 2017 and expresses her sincerest condolences to the family, friends and colleagues of U Ko Ni. She also condemns the killing of U Nay Win who made a heroic attempt to apprehend the assailant, extends her heartfelt condolences to his family, friends and co-workers, and salutes his bravery and sacrifice.

The UN noted the quick reaction by the National Police and the public resulting in the successful capture of the main suspect of these crimes.  It will be of the utmost importance for the Government of Myanmar to thoroughly investigate these killings, identifying the motivations behind them and hold those responsible to account. The Myanmar public must see the Government’s firm commitment to the rule of law, and be assured that such lamentable acts will not be tolerated in a democratic society.

U Ko Ni was a prominent constitutional lawyer and a legal advisor to the National League of Democracy.  He was a tireless and lifelong advocate for social justice and human rights, determined to achieve a democratic, diverse and peaceful society in the country he loved, Myanmar.

The UN Resident Coordinator was heartened to see that so many people from all walks of life attended U Ko Ni’s funeral today and hopes that U Ko Ni’s loss will prompt deep national reflection, and that leaders and the people from all communities will unite in standing up against hatred and violence and affirm their unshakable commitment to human rights, tolerance and peace. U Ko Ni can be best honored by practicing the values he fought so hard for, and embracing his vision of a more inclusive and harmonious nation.

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအေျခအေနနဲ႔ စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ အထူးအစီရင္ခံစာတင္သြင္းသူ၏ လုပ္ငန္းအစီအစဥ္ ၿပီးဆံုးျခင္းသတင္းထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္

၂၀၁၇ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၂၀ ရက္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕

ဒီညေနခင္းမွာ အခုလိုေတြ႔ဆံုေျပာၾကားခြင့္ရတဲ့အတြက္ ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။ အားလံုးသိၿပီးျဖစ္တဲ့ အတုိင္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကို ကၽြန္မလာေရာက္တဲ့ (၁၂)ရက္ၾကာ ခရီးစဥ္ၿပီးဆံုးသြားပါၿပီ။ ဒီခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ကခ်င္ ျပည္နယ္၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္နဲ႔ မြန္ျပည္နယ္ေတြမွာရွိတဲ့ေနရာ ေဒသတခ်ိဳ႕ကိုသာမက၊ ရန္ကုန္နဲ႔ေနျပည္ေတာ္ ကိုလည္း ကၽြန္မေရာက္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္မွာေတာ့ ျမစ္ႀကီးနားၿမိဳ႕မွာ တစ္ညအိပ္ခဲ့ၿပီး လိုင္ဇာနဲ႔ ဖားကန္႔ကို သြားခြင့္မရခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာေတာ့ ရေသ့ေတာင္ေဒသက ကိုးေတာင္ေကာက္၊ ဘူးသီး ေတာင္ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္နဲ႔၊ ေမာင္းေတာေျမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသက ရြာေလးရြာကို ေရာက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျမစ္ႀကီးနား၊ ကိုးေတာင္ေကာက္နဲ႔ ေမာင္ေတာမွာ စစ္ေရွာင္ဒုကၡသည္ေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရၿပီး စစ္ေတြအက်ဥ္းေထာင္ကိုလည္း ေရာက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာလည္း ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အႀကံေပးပုဂၢိဳလ္နဲ႔ေရာ ကၽြန္မေတြ႔ခြင့္ေတာင္းထားတဲ့ ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ၀န္ႀကီးေတြထဲက ဌာနႏွစ္ခုကလြဲလို႔ က်န္၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ၀န္ႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ေတြ႔ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ၀န္ႀကီးတစ္ဦးက ခရီးလြန္ေနၿပီး က်န္၀န္ႀကီးဌာနတစ္ခုကေတာ့ ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္လိုပဲ ကၽြန္မနဲ႔ေတြ႔ဖို႔ ျငင္းဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေရွ႕ေနခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔သာမက အစိုးရနဲ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ေကာ္မတီ၀င္ေတြအားလံုးနဲ႔လဲ ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ အခု ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္ထဲမွာပါတဲ့ ကိစၥႀကီးငယ္ကို လာမဲ့မတ္လထဲမွာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေကာင္စီကို ကၽြန္မ တင္သြင္းမဲ့ အစီရင္ခံစာထဲမွာ က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ ထည့္သြင္းေဖာ္ျပသြားပါမယ္။ အခုေတာ့ ကၽြန္မရဲ႕ လတ္တေလာထင္ျမင္ခ်က္ေတြ၊ သံုးသပ္ခ်က္ေတြ မွ်ေ၀ေပးခ်င္ပါတယ္။

ကၽြန္မရဲ႕ ဒီတစ္ေခါက္ခရီးစဥ္တေလွ်ာက္လံုးမွာ လက္တုန္႔ျပန္ျခင္းဆိုတဲ့ စကားလံုးတစ္လံုး ေခါင္းထဲမွာ စြဲေနပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္မနဲ႔ေတြ႔ခဲ့၊ ေျပာခဲ့တဲ့လူေတြ၊ ကၽြန္မနဲ႔အတူတူ အလုပ္လုပ္ရတဲ့လူေတြကို လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကိစၥေတြေျပာလို႔၊ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္ေတြ တင္ျပလို႔ လက္တုန္႔မျပန္ပါနဲ႔လို႔ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအစိုးရကို ကၽြန္မေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီတစ္ေခါက္မွာလည္း ကၽြန္မနဲ႔လာေတြ႔တဲ့ လူတခ်ိဳ႕က ဒီအစည္းအေ၀းၿပီးရင္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဘာျဖစ္ဦးမယ္မသိဘူးလို႔ ေျပာသြားၾကတာကို စိတ္ပ်က္စြာ ၾကားခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ လူတစ္ေယာက္ကဆိုရင္ ကၽြန္မနဲ႔ အခုလိုစကားေျပာၿပီးသြားရင္ေတာ့ အဖမ္းခံရလိမ့္မယ္ ထင္တယ္လို႔ တိုက္႐ိုက္ကိုေျပာသြားတာမ်ိဳး ရွိပါတယ္။ ေနာက္လူမ်ိဳးစုႏွစ္စု သီးသန္႔စီယွဥ္တြဲေနတဲ့ ရြာတစ္ရြာမွာဆိုရင္လည္း ကၽြန္မနဲ႔စကားေျပာရတာ အဆင္ေျပပါ့မလားလို႔ ေမးတဲ့အခါ၊ အေျဖမွန္မေပးမိမွာ စိုးရိမ္မိပါတယ္လို႔ ေျပာခဲ့တာကို ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။

ကၽြန္မ ဒီကိုမလာခင္ ျပင္ဆင္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ လူတစ္ေယာက္ ေခါင္းျဖတ္သတ္ခံရတဲ့ သတင္းၾကား လိုက္ရပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုေခါင္းျပတ္သတ္ခံရတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းကလဲ သူရဲ႕ထင္ျမင္ခ်က္ကို လူအမ်ားသိေအာင္ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာလို႔ဆိုတာ သိရပါတယ္။ ဒီေခါင္းျဖတ္ခံရတဲ့ကိစၥနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး အခုအထိ အေျခအေန ျပည့္ျပည့္စံုစံုကို ကၽြန္မ မသိရေသးပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ေပးလိုက္တဲ့သတိကေတာ့ ရွင္းပါတယ္။ ကိုယ့္ထင္ျမင္ ယူဆခ်က္ကို ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ ထုတ္ေဖာ္မေျပာၾကနဲ႔။ မင္းတို႔တေတြ ဘယ္လိုေန၊ ဘယ္လိုေသ ဆိုတာမ်ိဳးကို လံုး၀ဂ႐ုမစိုက္သူေတြရဲ႕ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ ေဘာင္ထဲမ၀င္တဲ့ အေထာက္အကူမျပဳတဲ့ မင္းတို႔ရဲ႕ ထင္ျမင္ယူဆ ခ်က္ေတြကို ဘယ္ေတာ့မွထုတ္မေျပာၾကနဲ႔ ဆိုတာပါပဲ။ ၀မ္းနည္းစရာေကာင္းတာက ဒါဟာ သီးသန္႔ျဖစ္စဥ္ တစ္ခုတည္းမဟုတ္တာပါပဲ။ ဒီလိုေခါင္းျဖတ္သတ္တာမ်ိဳး အနည္းဆံုးေလးႀကိမ္ေလာက္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ေျပာေနၾကပါတယ္။

လက္ေတြ႔ထိခိုက္ခံစားေနၾကရတဲ့ လူစုေတြနဲ႔ ကၽြန္မတိုက္႐ိုက္ေတြ႔ဆံုစကားေျပာရင္၊ သူတို႔ေကာ သူတို႔ မိသားစုေတြအတြက္ပါ အႏၱရာယ္ရွိတယ္ဆိုတာ ကၽြန္မသိပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ စိတ္မေကာင္းစရာသိလိုက္ ရတာက ကၽြန္မနဲ႔စကားေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ လူအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက ဒီအႏၲရာယ္ကို ရင္ဆိုင္ဖို႔အသင့္ရွိတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အခ်က္ပါပဲ။ သူတို႔ေတြအေနနဲ႔ ဒီလိုေျပာလိုက္မွသာ သူတို႔လိုခ်င္တဲ့ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈရလိမ့္မယ္၊ သူတို႔တေတြရဲ႕ အေျခအေနမွန္ကိုလည္း ကမၻာကသိလာလိမ့္မယ္လို႔၊ တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ ခံယူထားၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သူတို႔တေတြကို နားေထာင္ေပးရမဲ့ တာ၀န္၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ခံရဖြယ္ရွိတဲ့ သူေတြရဲ႕အသံေတြကို ၾကားေအာင္လုပ္ေပးရမဲ့တာ၀န္ ကၽြန္မမွာ ပိုမ်ားလာပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာေကာင္းတဲ့ ျဖစ္ေပၚ တိုးတက္မႈေတြ တဖက္မွာရွိေနေပမဲ့လည္း၊ လူတိုင္း လူတိုင္း သူတို႔ခံစားရတာေတြကို လြတ္လပ္စြာ မွ်ေ၀ႏုိင္တဲ့၊ ကုိယ့္ထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္ကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆိုႏုိင္တဲ့၊ အေၾကာက္တရားကင္းကင္းနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ေနႏိုင္တဲ့ လူမႈအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းတရပ္ ေပၚေပါက္လာဖို႔အတြက္ကေတာ့ အလွမ္းေ၀းေနေသးတယ္ဆုိတဲ့ သေကၤတျပယုဒ္တစ္ခုပါပဲ။

ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ့ အေျခအေနတြကို ကၽြန္မဆီကၾကားခ်င္ၾကမယ္ ဆိုတာသိပါတယ္။ အခုေျပာသြားတဲ့ ဥပမာတခ်ိဳ႕ဟာလည္း အဲ့ဒီျပည္နယ္က ဥပမာေတြပါ။ ဒီကိစၥကို အေသးစိပ္ေနာက္ ေျပာျပပါ့မယ္။ ေလာေလာဆယ္ေတာ့ ကၽြန္မရဲ႕ဒီခရီးစဥ္စခဲ့သည့္ အင္မတန္မွ စိုးရိမ္ စရာျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္နဲ႔ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း အေျခအေနေတြကို ေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ဒီေဒသမွာ ေနၾကတဲ့သူေတြရဲ႕ ဒုကၡကို မသိၾကတာမ်ားပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၅ ခု ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရလဒ္ေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့ရတဲ့ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ေရာင္ျခည္ေတြ ေမွးမွိန္စျပဳေနၿပီး ေဒသခံျပည္သူေတြ ဒုကၡခံစားေနၾကရတာဟာ စိတ္မ ေကာင္းစရာပါ။ ကၽြန္မရဲ႕လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ခရီးစဥ္ (၃)ေခါက္စလံုးမွာ ရခိုင္၊ ကခ်င္နဲ႔ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္းကို သြားေရာက္ခြင့္ ေတာက္ေလွ်ာက္ေတာင္းခံခဲ့တယ္ဆိုတာ အားလံုးသိၾကမွာပါ။ အခ်ိန္အကန္႔အသတ္ ေၾကာင့္ ဒီတေခါက္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္နဲ႔ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ကိုသာသြားဖို႔ ကၽြန္မဆံုးျဖတ္ခဲ့တာပါ။

ကၽြန္မ လိုင္ဇာနဲ႔ ဖားကန္႔ကိုသြားဖို႔ အျပင္းအထန္ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အရင္ကလဲ လိုင္ဇာကိုသြားဖို႔ ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ေပမဲ့ ခြင့္မျပဳခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ဒီတာ၀န္ကို ကၽြန္မထက္ အရင္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ သူရဲ႕ေနာက္ဆံုးခရီးစဥ္ တုန္းက လိုင္ဇာေဒသကို ေရာက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ မၾကာေသးမီက ကုလသမဂၢအႀကီးတန္းအရာရွိတစ္ဦးလဲ သြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္မက်ေတာ့မွ လံုၿခံဳေရးအေျခအေနအရဆိုၿပီး ျငင္းခံရတာ ငါးႀကိမ္ရွိပါၿပီ။ ဖားကန္႔ကိုလဲ သြားဖုိ႔ ႀကိဳးစားပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ အစိုးရထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈ လက္ေအာက္ခံနယ္ေျမပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ လိုင္ဇာကိုသြားဖို႔တုန္းကလိုပဲ။ သြားခြင့္ျပဳ/မျပဳဆိုတာကို ေနာက္ဆံုးမွအေၾကာင္းျပန္ပါတယ္။ သြားခြင့္မျပဳရတဲ့ ျပည္နယ္အစိုးရရဲ႕ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္နဲ႔ ျပည္ေထာင္စုအစိုးရရဲ႕ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ကလဲ ကြဲလြဲေနပါတယ္။ ဒါထက္ဆိုးတာက အဲ့ဒီေန႔ညေနမွာပဲ ကၽြန္မနဲ႔ေတြ႔ဖို႔ ဖားကန္႔ကေန ျမစ္ႀကီးနားကို (၅)နာရီေက်ာ္ (၆)နာရီခရီးႏွင္လာတဲ့လူနဲ႔ ေတြ႔လိုက္ရၿပီး သူတို႔ေတြရဲ႕ စုိးရိမ္မႈ၊ ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕မႈေတြကို မွ်ေ၀သြားၾကပါတယ္။ အစိုးရရဲ႕ အေၾကာင္းျပ ခ်က္ကေတာ့ ကၽြန္မဟာ အစိုးရရဲ႕ အထူးဧည့္သည္ေတာ္တစ္ေယာက္ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့အတြက္ ျပစ္မွတ္ တစ္ခုျဖစ္မွာစိုးလို႔ ကၽြန္မရဲ႕လံုၿခံဳေရးအတြက္ ခြင့္မျပဳတာပါလို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။

ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္နဲ႔ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းနယ္စပ္ေဒသအေျခအေနေတြ ယိုယြင္းေနတယ္ဆိုတာေတာ့ ထင္ရွားပါတယ္။ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က လူေတြေျပာတာကေတာ့ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ႏွစ္မ်ားထက္စာရင္ အေျခအေန ပိုဆိုးပါတယ္၊ ပိုၿပီး ယိုယြင္းလာပါတယ္တဲ့။ ထိခိုက္နစ္နာမႈအမ်ားဆံုးရွိတဲ့ေနရာေတြကို ကၽြန္မ မသြားႏုိင္ခဲ့ပါဘူး။ လူေပါင္း (၃)သိန္းေက်ာ္ေနထိုင္တဲ့ ျမစ္ႀကီးနားလို ျပည္နယ္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္မွာေတာင္ ေဒသခံေတြဟာ ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ေနၾက ၿပီး ေမွာင္ရင္အျပင္မထြက္ပဲ ေနေနၾကပါတယ္။

တုိက္ပြဲေတြျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ေနရာမွာဆုိ အေျခအေနဟာ ဒီထက္ပိုဆိုးတယ္လို႔ ကၽြန္မၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဇယ္ေအာင္ စစ္ေရွာင္စခန္းတ၀ိုက္မွာ က်ည္ဆံေတြက်တာေၾကာင့္ အဲ့ဒီမွာေနတဲ့ မိသားတစုဟာ ေတာထဲကို ထြက္ေျပးၿပီး ညဘက္က်င္းတူးၿပီး (၆)ရက္ေလာက္ေနခဲ့ၾကရပါတယ္။ အဲ့ဒီ မိသားစုမွာ ကေလး (၄)ေယာက္ ရွိၿပီး အငယ္ဆံုးကလသားနဲ႔ ႏုိ႔ညွာက (၂)ႏွစ္သားပဲရွိပါေသးတယ္။ ကၽြန္မ အဲ့ဒီကျပန္လာၿပီးတဲ့ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာေတာင္ ဒီဇယ္ေအာင္စခန္းက လူေတြထြက္ေျပးရတာ (၃)ႀကိမ္ရွိၿပီလို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ဒီလူေတြဟာ ဘာမွ အမွားလုပ္ထားၾကတဲ့ လူေတြမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ သူမ်ားတိုက္ၾက ခိုက္ၾကတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ေနမိလို႔ အခုလိုဒုကၡ ေရာက္ၾကရတာပါ။ ဒီကိစၥကို ျပည္နယ္အစိုးရ(ျပည္နယ္အစိုးရဆိုတာ တပ္မေတာ္ ဘက္ကကိုေျပာတာပါ)နဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့အခါ လံုး၀ ဥႆံုျငင္းပါတယ္။ အဲဒိ စစ္ေရွာင္စခန္းဆိုတာ မရွိဘူး လို႔ေျပာပါတယ္။ အရင္က ကြတ္ခိုင္မွာ စစ္ေရွာင္စခန္းမရွိဘူးလို႔ ျငင္းခဲ့သလိုပါပဲ။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကိုလာတုိင္း လာတိုင္း အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ေတြကိုသြားေရာက္ ေလ့လာေလ့ရွိသလုိ ဒီတေခါက္မွာလဲ ကၽြန္မကို လိုင္ဇာနဲ႔ ဖားကန္႔သြားခြင့္မျပဳခဲ့တဲ့အတြက္ မြန္ျပည္နယ္၊ ဇင္းက်ိဳက္မွာရွိတဲ့ အလုပ္ၾကမ္းစခန္း (တရား၀င္အေခၚအေ၀ၚကေတာ့ ကုန္ထုတ္စခန္းပါ)ကို ရန္ကုန္ကေန ေန႔ခ်င္း ျပန္သြားခြင့္ ေတာင္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္မထံုးစံအတုိင္း အက်ဥ္းစခန္းေတြေရာက္ရင္ အဲ့ဒီမွာ အက်ဥ္းက်ေနတဲ့ သူေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုေမးျမန္း႐ံုသာမက ပတ္၀န္းက်င္အေျခအေနကိုပါ ေလ့လာႏိုင္ေအာင္ အနီးတ၀ိုက္ကိုထြက္ၿပီး ေလ့လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။

အဲ့ဒီအလုပ္ၾကမ္းစခန္းမွာ ကၽြန္မနဲ႔စကားေျပာလို႔ေနာက္ ဘာျဖစ္ဦးမယ္မသိဘူးလို႔ဆိုၿပီး ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ ေနတဲ့ လူေတြလဲရွိပါတယ္။ အထူးဧည့္သည္ေတာ္လာမွာမို႔ဆုိၿပီး လုပ္ေနၾကအလုပ္ၾကမ္းကနားၿပီး သူတို႔ ေနတဲ့ အိပ္တဲ့ေနရာေတြကို သန္႔ရွင္းေရးလုပ္ဖို႔ (၃)ရက္အနားရတယ္လို႔ တခ်ိဳ႕ကေျပာျပပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္မ ေရာက္ခဲ့တဲ့ တခ်ိဳ႕အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ေတြထက္စာရင္ အေနအထိုင္ အသံုးအေဆာင္ အေျခအေန မဆိုးဘူးလို႔ ေျပာလို႔ရေပမဲ့၊ အထူးအျပစ္ေပးတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ ေက်ာက္တူးေနတဲ့ ေနရာမွာေတာင္ ေျခခ်င္းခတ္ ၿပီး အလုပ္လုပ္ခိုင္းတာကိုေတာ့ ကၽြန္မအထူးစိုးရိမ္မိပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီး အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ေတြကေန ဒီလို အလုပ္ၾကမ္းစခန္းကို ပို႔တဲ့ေနရာမွာ ဘယ္လိုအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ိဳးကို ေရြးခ်ယ္တယ္ဆိုတာ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈမရွိ ပဲ၊ ပို႔ခံရတဲ့အက်ဥ္းသားေတြကိုလဲ ဘာေၾကာင့္ပို႔တယ္ဆိုတာကို အသိမေပးတာ ပူပန္စရာကိစၥတစ္ရပ္ပါ။ ဒီလို အလုပ္ၾကမ္းစခန္းေတြမွာ အက်ဥ္းသားေတြအေနနဲ႔ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္တိုင္ၾကားခြင့္မရွိတဲ့စနစ္ မရွိတာကိုလည္း ကၽြန္မစိုးရိမ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒါက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတစ္၀ွမ္းလံုးမွာရွိတဲ့ အက်ဥ္းစခန္းတိုင္းမွာ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ကိစၥမို႔ တကယ္ေတာ့ စိတ္မေကာင္းစရာပါ။

အဲဒီအလုပ္ၾကမ္းစခန္းအျပင္ ရန္ကုန္မွာရွိတဲ့ အင္းစိန္အက်ဥ္းေထာင္၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာရွိတဲ့ စစ္ေတြ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္နဲ႔ ဘူးသီးေထာင္အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ေတြကိုလဲ ကၽြန္မေရာက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီအက်ဥ္းေထာင္ ေတြထဲမွာ အဆင့္ျမင့္အစိုးရအရာရွိေတြနဲ႔ တပ္မေတာ္အရာရွိေတြကို ေ၀ဖန္လို႔၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ျပႆနာ ေတြကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္လုိ႔၊ အစိုးရကိုျပန္ၿပီး တရားစြဲလို႔နဲ႔၊ အစိုးရသိေအာင္ ၾကားေအာင္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ စုေပါင္း လွည့္လည္ဆႏၵျပတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ဥပေဒျပ႒ာန္းခ်က္မ်ားနဲ႔မညီလို႔ဆုိၿပီး အက်ဥ္းခ်ထားခံရ သူေတြ ထိန္းသိမ္း ခံထားရသူေတြနဲ႔ ကၽြန္မေတြ႔ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဆက္သြယ္ေရးဥပေဒပုဒ္မ ၆၆(ဃ)အရ အသေရဖ်က္မႈနဲ႔ တရားစြဲခံ ထားရတဲ့သူေပါင္း (၄၀)ေက်ာ္ရွိတယ္လို႔ ကၽြန္မကို အစီရင္ခံထားပါတယ္။ မ်ားေသာ အားျဖင့္ သူတို႔ေတြ ဟာ သူတို႔စိတ္ထဲရွိတာကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာတဲ့သူေတြပါ။ တခ်ိဳ႕အစည္းအေ၀းမွာ ေရွ႕ေန ေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔တဲ့အခါ ဒီလုိထိလြယ္ခိုက္လြယ္ရွိတဲ့အမႈမ်ိဳး လိုက္မိလို႔ အေႏွာင့္အယွက္ေပးခံရတာမ်ိဳး တရားစြဲဆိုခံရတာမ်ိဳးေတာင္ ရွိတယ္လို႔သိရပါတယ္။ စစ္ေတြမွာတုန္းက ခ်င္းလူမ်ိဳးစုတစုေနထိုင္တဲ့ေနရာကို ေရာက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ကေန ေရစီးေရလာ ေျမာင္းကိစၥနဲ႔ ေဒသအာဏာပိုင္ကို တုိင္တန္းတဲ့ အတြက္ မ်က္ႏွာခ်င္းဆိုင္ မွာေနတဲ့ လူစုကခ်င္းမိသားစု (၁၁)စုရဲ႕ ေနအိမ္အ၀င္၀လမ္းကို အတားအဆီးနဲ႔ ပိတ္ခဲ့ တယ္လို႔သိရပါ တယ္။ သက္ဆုိင္ရာကို ဘယ္လိုပဲတိုင္တိုင္ (၉)လလံုးလံုး ဒီခ်င္းမိသားစု (၁၁)စုေတြေနတဲ့ လမ္းကို ပိတ္ထားခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။

ရခိုင္ျပည္မွာ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ေအာက္တိုဘာလနဲ႔ ႏုိ၀င္ဘာလအလယ္ေလာက္က လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြကို လက္နက္နဲ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္တိုက္ခိုက္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့လို႔၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ကူညီခဲ့လို႔ဆိုၿပီး စြပ္စြဲထိန္းသိမ္းထားတဲ့ သူေတြနဲ႔ေတြ႔ဖို႔ ကၽြန္မေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သံသယရွိတဲ့သူတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕ မိသားစုကေတာ့ ေရွ႕ေနငွားခြင့္ ရွိတာကိုသိလို႔ ေရွ႕ေနငွားထားေပမဲ့ က်န္ထိန္းသိမ္းခံထားရတဲ့သူေတြကို ဥပေဒေၾကာင္းအရ ကိုယ္စားျပဳ ေပးမဲ့သူ တစ္ဦးတစ္ေယာက္မွ မရွိပါဘူး။ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ (၉)ရက္ေန႔က နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ရဲစခန္းကို ၀င္ေရာက္တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့သူေတြနဲ႔ ဆက္ႏြယ္မႈရွိတယ္လို႔ သံသယရွိလို႔ ဖမ္းဆီးထိန္းသိမ္းထားတယ္ဆို တာကလြဲလို႔၊ သူတို႔ကို ဘာစြဲခ်က္ေတြတင္ထားတယ္ဆိုတာ သူတို႔သိပံုမရပါဘူး။ တခ်ိဳ႕ေတြဆိုရင္ ဖမ္းဆီး ထိန္းသိမ္းခံရတဲ့အခ်ိန္ကစၿပီး မိသားစုနဲ႔ အဆက္အသြယ္မရၾကတာ (၂)လ (၃)လေလာက္ရွိပါၿပီ။ ဖမ္းဆီး ခံထားရသူေတြရဲ႕ မိသားစုေတြကိုလည္း ဖမ္းဆီးထားတယ္၊ ဘယ္မွာထိန္းသိမ္းထားတယ္ဆိုတာကို အသိမ ေပးတဲ့အတြက္ မိသားစုေတြ ပူပင္ေသာကေရာက္ေနၾကတယ္ဆိုတာကိုလည္း ကၽြန္မ သတိျပဳမိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ထိန္းသိမ္းခံထားရတဲ့တေယာက္ကေတာ့ သူ႔မိသားစုက သူ႔ကိုေသၿပီလို႔ တထစ္ခ်ယံုၾကည္ေနၾက မွာလို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။ ေမာင္ေတာက ရြာတစ္ရြာေရာက္ေတာ့ အမ်ိဳးသမီးတစ္ဦးက `သူ႔ေယာက်္ားကို ေခၚသြား ၾကတယ္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွျပန္လာမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး´လို႔ ကၽြန္မကိုေျပာပါတယ္။ အက်ဥ္းဌာနအရာရွိေတြ ေျပာျပ ခ်က္အရဆိုရင္ ဒီတုိက္ခိုက္မႈေၾကာင့္ ဘူးသီးေတာင္မွာ ဖမ္းဆီးထိန္းသိမ္းထားသူေပါင္း (၄၅၀)ေက်ာ္ ရွိတယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ဒါဆို မိသားစုေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဟာ ဒီလိုဖမ္းဆီးထိန္းသိမ္းခံထားရတာကို မသိပဲ၊ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ ျပန္ေတြ႔ၾကရမွာမဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုတဲ့ စိုးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈေတြနဲ႔ ေနၾကရေတာ့မွာပါ။

ဒီေအာက္တိုဘာလ (၉)ရက္ေန႔ တိုက္ခိုက္မႈနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ကၽြန္မကို အစိုးရဘက္က ထပ္ခါ တလဲလဲ ေျပာခဲ့တာကေတာ့ ဒါဟာလူမ်ိဳးစုတစ္စုနဲ႔ တစ္စုအၾကား အၾကမ္းဖက္တဲ့ ျပႆနာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ အခ်ဳပ္အခ်ာအာဏာကို ႀကိဳတင္တြက္ခ်က္ထိပါး တိုက္ခိုက္တဲ့ကိစၥပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔ အစိုးရက လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ထဲကေန လံုၿခံဳေရးအရ တန္ျပန္အေရးယူေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့တာပါ လို႔ဆိုပါတယ္။ ဘယ္နည္းဘယ္ပံု တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့ တယ္ဆိုတာကိုလည္း အစိုးရဘက္က ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ ရွင္းျပခဲ့ၿပီး တုိက္ခိုက္ခံရတဲ့ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ရဲစခန္း (၃)ခုစလံုးကို ကၽြန္မျမင္ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုရက္စက္တဲ့ အၾကမ္းဖက္တိုက္ခိုက္မႈမ်ိဳးကို ကၽြန္မ ႐ႈတ္ခ်ပါ တယ္။ အသက္ဆံုး႐ံႈးခဲ့ရသူေတြရဲ႕ မိသားစုေတြကိုလဲ ကၽြန္မကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာၿပီး စိတ္မေကာင္းေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားပါရေစ။

ဒီလိုတိုက္ခိုက္မႈမ်ိဳးကို အာဏာပိုင္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ ျပန္လည္တုန္႔ျပန္ဖို႔ လိုပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီလိုတုန္႔ျပန္ တဲ့ေနရာမွာ တရားဥပေဒစိုးမိုးမႈေဘာင္အတြင္းက ျဖစ္သင့္ၿပီး၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကို အျပည့္အ၀ လိုက္နာဖို႔ ေတာ့လိုပါတယ္။ ၀ါးပိတ္မွာ အေဆာက္အဦးေတြ မီးေလာင္ပ်က္စီးေနတာကို ကၽြန္မမ်က္ေစ့နဲ႔ ျမင္ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ ႀကံဳႀကိဳက္သြားတဲ့ အေရးေပၚျဖစ္ရပ္တစ္ခုလို႔ ယံုၾကည္ဖို႔ခက္ပါတယ္။ အစိုးရအရာရွိ ေတြကေတာ့ ရြာသားေတြကိုယ္တုိင္ သူတို႔အိမ္သူတို႔ မီး႐ိႈ႕ဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့ၾကတာလို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုသူတို႔အိမ္ သူတို႔ မီး႐ိႈ႕ပ်က္စီးရတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကလဲ သူတို႔အိမ္ေလးေတြဟာ ေသးငယ္ေဟာင္းႏြမ္းေနတဲ့အတြက္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ အသိုင္းအ၀န္းကသူေတြလာၿပီး ဒီထက္ေကာင္းတဲ့ အိမ္ေတြျပန္ေဆာက္ေပးမွာလို႔ ယံုၾကည္တဲ့အတြက္ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ေျပာပါတယ္။ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ အဲ့လိုတကယ္တမ္း သက္ေသျပ စရာမရွိပါဘူး။ ကၽြန္မကိုယ္တုိင္လည္း ယံုၾကည္ဖို႔ခက္တဲ့ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္တစ္ခုပါ။

႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြအေပၚမွာ စနစ္တက်ခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံတဲ့ မူ၀ါဒေတြခ်မွတ္သံုးစြဲေနၿပီး ပညာေရးနဲ႔ က်န္းမာေရး၀န္ေဆာင္မႈေတြကို အတုိင္းအတာတစ္ခုအထိသာ ခံစားခြင့္ေပးေနတာေတြ၊ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ ရာ အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းကေပးဖို႔ အဆင္သင့္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အျခား၀န္ေဆာင္မႈေတြကို ပိတ္ပင္ထားတာေတြကို သိေနတဲ့သူေတြအေနနဲ႔၊ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြက အခုလိုအိမ္ႀကီးအိမ္ေကာင္းေတြ လာေဆာက္ေပးတာကို ခြင့္ျပဳ လိမ့္မယ္လို႔ ႐ုတ္တရက္ႀကီး ဘယ္လိုမွထင္ႏုိင္စရာအေၾကာင္း မရွိပါဘူး။ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြဘက္က ေျပာလာတဲ့ ေနာက္အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္တစ္ခုကလဲ၊ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာရြာသူ/ရြာသားေတြအေနနဲ႔ လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြ အေပၚမွာ အထင္မွားအျမင္မွားျဖစ္ေအာင္  တဖက္လွဲ႔၀ါဒျဖန္႔တာလို႔ေျပာပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္မအေနနဲ႔ ဒါကိုလည္း ယံုၾကည္ဖို႔ခက္ပါတယ္။ အႀကံကုန္ေနတဲ့ ဘယ္လိုလူမ်ိဳးကမ်ား အစိုးရကို နံမည္ဖ်က္ဖို႔အတြက္ သက္သက္ ကိုယ္ႏွစ္ေပါင္း မ်ားစြာေနလာတဲ့ အိမ္ကို မီး႐ႈိ႕ဖ်က္ဆီးၿပီး၊ စစ္ေတြမွာလိုေနစရာ ထိုင္စရာမရွိပဲ၊ အေျခမဲ့အေနမဲ့ဘ၀ ငါးႏွစ္ေလာက္အေရာက္ခံမွာလဲဆိုတာ ကၽြန္မစဥ္းစားလို႔မရပါဘူး။

ဒီလိုဖ်က္ဆီးမႈမ်ိဳးေတြဟာ၊ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၁၀ စုႏွစ္မ်ားစြာ ႐ိိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးေတြအေပၚ စနစ္တက်ခြဲျခား ဆက္ဆံတဲ့ လုပ္ငန္းေတြကေနဆက္စပ္ျဖစ္ေပၚလာတာလို႔ ကၽြန္မထပ္ေလာင္း သတိေပးခ်င္ပါတယ္။ အခက္အခဲႀကံဳလာတဲ့အခါ လူေတြဟာ လုပ္မိလုပ္ရာလုပ္တတ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုလုပ္ရပ္ေတြဟာ အခုအေျခ အေနမွာ ဘယ္လိုမွနည္းလမ္းမက်ပါဘူး။ သို႔ေသာ္ ထိခိုက္နစ္နာၾကသူေတြအေနနဲ႔ အစိုးရသစ္ကေတာ့ျဖင့္ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ အေျခအေနေတြ၊ နစ္နာမႈေတြကို ေျဖရွင္းေပးလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ ထင္သည့္အတြက္ ေျဖရွင္းမႈသာရွိခဲ့လွ်င္ ဒီလိုအစြန္းေရာက္မႈေတြက သူတို႔ရဲ႕အေရးကိစၥေတြကို တဖက္စြန္းဆီသို႔ ေရာက္ေအာင္ပို႔ေဆာင္ေပးႏုိင္ မွာမဟုတ္ဘူး လို႔ ကၽြန္မယံုၾကည္ပါတယ္။

လံုၿခံဳေရးစီမံခ်က္ေတြအေပၚ အေျခခံၿပီး၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေဖာက္ဖ်က္မႈေတြ ရွိေနတယ္လို႔ သတင္း စထြက္ လာတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ အစိုးရက ခ်က္ျခင္းျငင္းခ်က္ထုတ္ တုန္႔ျပန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အိမ္ေတြကို မီး႐ႈိ႕ဖ်က္ဆီးတဲ့ကိစၥကို သိပၸံနည္းက်က်သံုးသပ္တင္ျပခဲ့တာေတြကိုလည္း လက္မခံခဲ့ပါဘူး။ အေျခအေန တခ်ိဳ႕ကို ပံုႀကီးခ်ဲ႕တာမ်ိဳး ရွိေကာင္းရွိႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ သတင္းဌာနတစ္ခုကဆို ကၽြန္မရခိုင္ျပည္မွာ သြားလာမႈေတြ ပိတ္ပစ္ခံရတယ္ လို႔အနည္းဆံုး သတင္းဌာန တစ္ခုက ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ အျပည့္အ၀မမွန္ပါဘူး။ ႀကီးမားတဲ့ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖါက္မႈေတြ ရွိေနတယ္လို႔ တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ စြပ္စြဲတဲ့သတင္းေတြကို အစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ ေတာက္ေလွ်ာက္ျငင္းဆုိလာတဲ့ အခါမွာေတာ့၊ အစိုးရအေပၚယံုၾကည္ဖို႔ခက္တယ္ဆိုတာ ျဖစ္လာၾကပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္တခ်ိဳ႕ လံုၿခံဳေရးစီမံခ်က္လုပ္ေဆာင္စဥ္ ဖမ္းမိတဲ့အမ်ိဳးသားေတြနဲ႔ ကေလးေတြကို ႐ိုက္ႏွက္ေနတဲ့ ဗြီဒီယိုတက္လာတဲ့ အခါမွာေတာ့ ဒီသံသယကို ပိုၿပီးခိုင္မာေစပါတယ္။ တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြအေနနဲ႔ ဒီဗီြဒီယို ထဲမွာပါတဲ့ ရဲ၀န္ထမ္း ေတြကို ခ်က္ခ်င္းဖမ္းဆီးအေရးယူခဲ့ေပမဲ့လည္း၊ လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ အရပ္သားျပည္သူေတြကို ဒီလိုဆက္ဆံတာဟာ ဒီတႀကိမ္တစ္ခါသာမဟုတ္ဘဲ လုပ္ေလ့လုပ္ထရွိတဲ့ အစဥ္အလာတစ္ရပ္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္တယ္ ဆိုတာကို မီးေမာင္းထုိးျပလိုက္ပါတယ္။

ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ လူမႈအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းႏွစ္စုအၾကား ယံုၾကည္မႈတည္ေဆာက္ဖို႔လိုတယ္၊ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ကလိုပဲ  အတူတကြယွဥ္တြဲေနထိုင္တတ္ဖို႔ လိုတယ္ဆိုတာကို ထပ္ခါတလဲလဲ ေျပာခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုယံုၾကည္မႈ တည္ေဆာက္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ ေနာက္ထပ္တိုးျမႇင့္ရမဲ့ ဆက္ဆံေရးတမ်ိဳးကေတာ့ အစိုးရနဲ႔ ျပည္သူအၾကား၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ဒီေနရာမွ လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြနဲ႔ ျပည္သူအၾကားဆက္ဆံေရးပဲျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ကၽြန္မယံုၾကည္ပါ တယ္။ ျပႆနာျဖစ္တဲ့ေနရာေဒသမွာေနတဲ့ လူအမ်ားစုရဲ႕ အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႔ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာကို အေလးမထားပဲ စစ္ဆင္ေရးေတြလုပ္လိုက္တာေၾကာင့္ အစိုးရသစ္အေပၚသတိထားရင္း အားထားလာတဲ့ မူဆလင္အသိုင္း အ၀ိုင္းရဲ႕ ယံုၾကည္ကိုးစားမႈကို လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြရဲ႕ ဒီလိုလုပ္ရပ္က အားေလ်ာ့သြားေစပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ မို႔လဲ ယာယီမွတ္ပံုတင္ကဒ္ျပားသက္တမ္းမကုန္ဆံုးမွီ ႏုိင္ငံသားျဖစ္မႈစီစစ္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းအတြက္ မွတ္ပံုတင္ ကဒ္ျပားသစ္ေတြ ျပန္ထုတ္ေပးဖို႔နဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံသားျဖစ္မႈစိစစ္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြ ျပန္လည္စတင္ဖို႔ အစိုးရရဲ႕ ေၾကညာ ခ်က္ကို ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းက မႀကိဳဆိုတာဟာ သိပ္ေတာ့မဆန္းပါဘူး။ စစ္ဆင္ေရးေတြ လုပ္ေနတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာပဲ ဒီလိုေၾကညာခ်က္ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ တိုက္ဆုိင္မႈတစ္ရပ္ကိုက ရတက္မေအးစရာျဖစ္ေနပါ တယ္။ ၁၉၈၂ ခုႏွစ္ ႏုိင္ငံသားျဖစ္မႈဥပေဒနဲ႔အညီ ႏုိင္ငံသားျဖစ္မႈစိစစ္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြကို အရင္ကလုပ္ခဲ့ တုန္းက မေက်လည္ေသးတဲ့ အေျခခံအေၾကာင္းတရားေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီးလည္း တိုးတက္မႈ ဘာမွမရွိေသး တာကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ႐ိုး႐ုိးရွင္းရွင္းနဲ႔ အခ်ိန္နဲ႔တေျပးညီ လိုအပ္တဲ့သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္ ေတြေပးၿပီး ေဆြးေႏြးညႇိႏႈိင္းမႈေတြ ဆက္လက္လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖို႔ လိုေနေသးတယ္ဆိုတာ ထင္ရွားပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ဆံုး တစ္ႀကိမ္လုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္မႈစိစစ္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္နဲ႔အညီ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ ခံေနရတဲ့ လူေတြကိုယ္တုိင္ ဒီကေန႔အထိ ႏုိင္ငံသားအခြင့္အေရးအျပည့္အ၀ မခံစားရေသးတာဟာ တကယ့္ အေျခခံ ျပႆနာတစ္ရပ္ပါ။ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခံရၿပီးတဲ့ ေနာက္မွကန္႔သတ္မႈေတြနဲ႔ ရင္ဆုိင္ ေနၾကရ တဲ့ ေျမပံုၿမိဳ႕ကအေျခအေနဟာ အခုျဖစ္ရပ္ရဲ႕ ဥပမာေကာင္းတစ္ခုပါ။

ဒီေနရာမွာ အခ်က္အလက္နဲ႔ သက္ေသခံအေထာက္အထားေတြက အင္မတန္မွ အေရးပါပါတယ္။ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြကို ျပန္လည္စိစစ္သံုးသပ္တုန္႔ျပန္ဖို႔ဆိုတဲ့ ေနရာမွာ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေျခရွိတဲ့ အေျဖတစ္ရပ္ထြက္ဖို႔ အတတ္ပညာရွင္ေတြလိုပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အစိုးရခန္႔အပ္ထားတဲ့ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးေကာ္မရွင္ကေနၿပီး လယ္ယာ လုပ္ငန္းနဲ႔ ငါးဖမ္းလုပ္ငန္းလုပ္ဖို႔ အေျခအေနေကာင္းေတြရွိေနတာေၾကာင့္ ဒီေဒသမွာျဖင့္ အာဟာရခ်ိဳ႕တဲ့ ျပႆနာမရွိဘူးဆိုၿပီး ေၾကညာသလိုမ်ိဳး ေယဘူယ်ၿခံဳငံုသံုးသပ္လို႔မရပါဘူး။ ဒီက႑မွာ ကၽြမ္းက်င္တဲ့ပညာ ရွင္ေတြက စီစစ္ရွာေဖြထားတဲ့ အခ်က္အလက္ေတြရွိခဲ့ရင္၊ အစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ ဒီအခ်က္အလက္ေတြကို ယူငင္ ကိုးကားသင့္ပါတယ္။

ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡနဲ႔ ရင္ဆိုင္ေနၾကရသူေတြကို တတ္ကၽြမ္းတဲ့ နည္းပညာနဲ႔ အကူအညီ အေထာက္အပံ့ေပးဖို႔ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈ အကူအညီလုပ္ငန္းလုပ္ေနသူေတြတာ၀န္ရွိၾကေပမယ့္ အစိုးရက ဒီအေထာက္အပံ့ေတြကို လက္တေလာ ပိတ္ပင္ထားပါတယ္။ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၊ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္နဲ႔ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသေတြမွာဆိုရင္ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာကူညီေထာက္ပံ့ အေျခအေနဟာ ကၽြန္မေနာက္ဆံုးတစ္ေခါက္လာခဲ့တဲ့အခ်ိန္က ထပ္ေတာင္ပိုဆိုး ေနပါေသးတယ္။ ဒုကၡသင့္ေနသည့္ေနရာေတြ ေရာက္ဖို႔ အခြင့္အေရးနည္းသည္ထက္ နည္းလာၿပီး ေထာက္ပံ့ ခြင့္ရျပန္ရင္လည္း တလထက္တစ္လ တိုးလာတဲ့ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကေရစီယႏၲရားအတားအဆီးေတြနဲ႔ ရင္ဆုိင္ ေနၾက ရပါတယ္။ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသမွာေတာ့ ထိုေနရာေတြသြားေရာက္ႏုိင္ဖို႔လြယ္ကူလာတာကို ေတြ႔ေနရေပမဲ့လည္း ႏုိင္ငံသား၀န္ထမ္းေတြသာ သြားလာရခြင့္ရၿပီး ႏုိင္င္ျခားသား၀န္ထမ္းမွာ ထိုပိတ္ပင္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ မိမိတာ၀န္ကို ထမ္းေဆာင္၍ မရပါ။

ဒီျပႆနာေတြအားလံုးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး အစိုးရရဲ႕တုန္႔ျပန္မႈကေတာ့ ကာကြယ္ေျပာတာရယ္၊ လက္မခံတာရယ္နဲ႔၊ ျငင္းဆန္တာရယ္ပဲရွိပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုတုန္႔ျပန္မႈမ်ိဳးဟာ တန္ျပန္ဆိုးက်ိဳးေပးရံုသာမက၊ ႏုိင္ငံတ၀ွမ္းမွာ ယွက္သန္းေနတဲ့ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ေရာင္ျခည္ေတြကိုလည္း ေမွးမွိန္ေစပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီလမ္းေၾကာင္းကို ေျပာင္းျပန္လွန္ျပစ္ဖို႔ ေနာက္မက်ေသးဘူးလို႔ ကၽြန္မယံုၾကည္ပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္မရဲ႕ ဒီခရီးစဥ္တေလွ်ာက္မွာ အင္မတန္မွ ခက္ခဲတဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြၾကားက အေကာင္းဆံုးျဖစ္ေအာင္ ႀကိဳးစားေဆာင္ရြက္ေနၾကတဲ့ လူေတြကို ေတြ႔ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ လူမႈအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းေတြၾကား မနားမေနရင္ၾကားေစ့ေပးေနတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ေတြကိုလည္း ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ အေကာင္းဆံုးမျဖစ္ ေသးတဲ့ အစိုးရယႏၲယားရဲ႕ အတားအဆီးေတြၾကားက သူတို႔ရဲ႕အခန္းက႑ကို ပီျပင္ေအာင္၊ ေက်ျပြန္ ေအာင္ထမ္းေဆာင္ေနၾကတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔ ၀န္ထမ္းသစ္ေတြကိုေတြ႔ရလို႔လည္း အားတက္မိပါတယ္။ ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနတခ်ိဳ႕နဲ႔ ေဒသခံ၀န္ထမ္းေတြအေနနဲ႔ သူတို႔ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရတဲ့ ျပႆနာေတြကို လိုလိုခ်င္ခ်င္ ေဆြးေႏြး႐ံုသာမက အႀကံသစ္ဥာဏ္သစ္ေတြကိုလည္း လက္ခံဖို႔ အဆင္သင့္ရွိၾကတာကို ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္းရွိၿပီး အေျခအေနနဲ႔လိုက္ေလ်ာညီေထြျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲတတ္တဲ့ စိတ္ဓါတ္ေလးေတြကို ျပဳစုပ်ိဳးေထာင္ေပးၿပီး တစထက္တစျပန္႔ပြားေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးေစခ်င္ပါသည္။

ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့အေထြေထြေရြးေကာက္ပြဲႀကီးရဲ႕ ရလဒ္ေၾကာင့္ တစ္ႏုိင္ငံလံုး ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္တက္ၾကြၾကည္ႏူးေနတာမွ တစ္ႏွစ္ပဲရွိပါေသးတယ္။ ဒီတစ္ေခါက္သာမန္ ႏိုင္ငံသူ ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြနဲ႔ ကၽြန္မစကားေျပာၾကည့္တဲ့အခါ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ေတြ အေကာင္းျမင္၀ါဒေတြ တေျဖးေျဖးေမွးမိန္လာတာကို ၾကားရေတာ့ ရင္နာမဆံုး ျဖစ္မိပါတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အတုိင္ပင္ခံပုဂၢိဳလ္ အပါအ၀င္၊ ဌာနတာ၀န္ခံေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့အခါမွာ သူတို႔တေတြဟာ ႏုိင္ငံသူႏုိင္ငံသားေတြရဲ႕ဘ၀ တိုးတက္ေအာင္ မွန္မွန္ကန္ကန္၊ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္အျပည့္ အ၀နဲ႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေနၾကတယ္ဆုိတာကို သိခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ဒီစိတ္ေစတနာ အရင္းခံအက်ိဳးဆက္ေတြ ျပည္သူေတြအေပၚ လက္ေတြ႔မသက္ေရာက္ေသးျခင္းမရွိပါ။ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ လူမႈအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္း အားလံုးကို အခ်င္းခ်င္းပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္းနဲ႔ အျပန္အလွန္နားလည္ဖို႔၊ ေလးစားဖို႔နဲ႔ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးစီးပြားအတြက္ တဖက္ကို ခုတံုးလုပ္အျပစ္ပံုမခ်ဖို႔ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံေပးပါလို႔ ကၽြန္မတိုက္တြန္းခ်င္ပါတယ္။ လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြ အေနနဲ႔လဲ တရားဥပေဒစိုးမိုးေရးေဘာင္အတြင္းမွ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေတြကို ေလးစားလိုက္နာၿပီး လံုၿခံဳေရး စီမံခ်က္ေတြေဆာင္ရြက္ဖို႔ အေရးႀကီးပါတယ္။ တခ်ိဳ႕ေသာ အစြန္းေရာက္ေနသူမ်ားက ဥပေဒကို ကိုယ္ထင္ သလို အဓိပၸာယ္ေဖာ္ၿပီး လက္လြတ္စပါယ္တရား စီရင္ေနၾကတဲ့ လက္တေလာျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့တဲ့ အျပစ္ေပး နည္းမ်ိဳးကို အစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ တုိက္ဖ်က္ေပးဖို႔ အလြန္အေရးႀကီးပါတယ္။ တရားစီရင္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ တာ၀န္ယူမႈ၊ တာ၀န္ခံမႈရွိမွသာ ဥပေဒအထက္မွာ ဘယ္သူမွမရွိဘူးဆိုတာကို သာမန္ျပည္သူေတြ ယံုၾကည္လက္ခံ လာမွာပါ။

ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို ေအာင္ေအာင္ျမင္ျမင္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းဖို႔အတြက္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကို အားေပးကူညီဖို႔ အဆင္သင့္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ အသိုင္းအ၀ုိင္း၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ကုလသမဂၢရဲ႕ လက္ကမ္းမႈတို႔ တပ္မေတာ္အပါအ၀င္ အစိုးရက ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္းႀကိဳဆိုလက္ခံေပးပါလို႔ ကၽြန္မေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။ တခ်ိန္ တည္းမွာပဲ ကၽြန္မကို ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသို႔လာေရာက္ဖို႔ ဖိတ္ေခၚၿပီး ကၽြန္မကိုေပးထားတဲ့ တာ၀န္ေတြကို ေက်ျပြန္စြာ ထမ္းေဆာင္ႏုိင္ဖို႔ ပူးေပါင္းကူညီခဲ့တဲ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအစိုးရကိုလည္း ေက်းဇူးတင္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာပါရ ေစ။ ကၽြန္မနဲ႔ ကၽြန္မအဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ လံုၿခံဳမႈကို တာ၀န္ယူေပးတာကို အထူးမွတ္တမ္းတင္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္တြင္းမွာရွိတဲ့  ကုလသမဂၢ႐ံုးအဖြဲ႔က ကူညီပ့ံပိုးေပးခဲ့တဲ့အတြက္လည္း ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။

ကၽြန္မအရင္က တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ေျပာခဲ့သလိုပါပဲ လြတ္လပ္ၿပီး ဒီမိုကေရစီလမ္းေပၚမွာ ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းသြားမဲ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကို အကူအညီေပးဖို႔ ကၽြန္မအၿမဲအဆင္သင့္ရွိပါတယ္။

 

ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ – ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့သူမ်ားစာရင္း

ျပည္ေထာင္စုအစိုးရတာ၀န္ခံမ်ား

  • ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အတိုင္ပင္ခံပုဂၢိဳလ္ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ၀န္ႀကီးႏွင့္ သမၼတ႐ံုး၀န္ႀကီး
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အတုိင္ပင္ခံပုဂၢိဳလ္႐ံုး၊ ကုလသမဂၢအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းေကာ္မတီ
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး၊ ကာကြယ္ေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး၊ နယ္စပ္ေရးရာ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္တည္ၿငိမ္ေရး၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳး တိုးတက္ေရးဗဟိုေကာ္မတီ
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး၊ အလုပ္သမားလူ၀င္မႈႀကီးၾကပ္ေရးႏွင့္ လူဦးေရ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး၊ လူမႈ၀န္ထမ္းကယ္ဆယ္ေရးႏွင့္ ျပန္လည္ေနရာခ်ထားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန၊ အမ်ိဳးသားသဘာ၀ေဘးအႏၲရာယ္ စီမံခန္႔ခြဲေရးေကာ္မတီ
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စုေရွ႕ေနခ်ဳပ္
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး၊ တိုင္းရင္းသားေရးရာ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး၊ ပညာေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး၊ ျပန္ၾကားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး။ ျပည္ထဲေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန
  • သဘာ၀သယံဇာတႏွင့္ ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ထိန္းသိမ္းေရး အၿမဲတမ္းအတြင္း၀န္

လႊတ္ေတာ္

  • အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္ႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥပေဒေရးရာေကာ္မတီ
  • အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္ႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္အေျခခံ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏွင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္ အေရးေကာ္မတီ
  • အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္၊ အမ်ိဳးသမီးႏွင့္ ကေလးသူငယ္မ်ားအခြင့္အေရးေကာ္မတီ
  • ဥပေဒေရးရာႏွင့္ အထူးကိစၥရပ္မ်ား စီစစ္သံုးသပ္ေရးေကာ္မရွင္ဥကၠ႒ႏွင့္ အဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ား

တျခားေသာအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား

  • ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအမ်ိဳးသားလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးဆုိင္ရာ ေကာ္မရွင္
  • ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ သတင္းမီဒီယာေကာင္စီ
  • အမ်ိဳးသားၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏွင့္ ျပန္လည္ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးဌာနမွ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေကာ္မရွင္အဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ား
  • ျပည္ေထာင္စု ေမာင္ေတာအေရးစံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးေကာ္မရွင္


 

ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္

  • ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ႏွင့္ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ား
  • ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနေသာ အရပ္ဖက္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား၊ ေက်ာက္စိမ္း ႏွင့္ တူးေဖာ္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းအဖြဲ႔၊ စစ္ေရွာင္ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအား လူမႈေရးအကူအညီေပးေနေသာ အဖြဲ႔ မ်ား
  • ဂ်မိုင္ေဂါင္ ကာသိုလစ္ စစ္ေရွာင္ဒုကၡသည္စခန္း
  • မိုင္းန ကခ်င္ ဘက္တ္တစ္ဘုရားရွိခိုးေက်ာင္း စစ္ေရွာင္ဒုကၡသည္စခန္း
  • မိုင္းန ႐ိုမင္ကာသိုလစ္စစ္ေရွာင္ဒုကၡသည္စခန္း

ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္

  • ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ႏွင့္ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ား
  • စစ္ေတြ၊ ေအာင္မဂၤလာရပ္ကြက္ မြတ္ဆလင္အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္း
  • ေရႊဗဟိုဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းရွိ မ်ိဳစစ္ေရွာင္ဒုကၡသည္စခန္း
  • ကိုးတန္ေကာက္နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ ရဲတပ္စခန္း၊ ရေသ့ေတာင္
  • ရေသ့ေတာင္၊ ခ်ိန္းကာလီရွိ ရခိုင္ႏွင့္ မြတ္ဆလင္ရြာမ်ားႏွင့္ မြတ္ဆလင္စစ္ေရွာင္ဒုကၡသည္စခန္း
  • က်ီးကန္းျပင္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔ဌာနခ်ဳပ္
  • ငါးခူရနယ္ျခားေစာင့္ရဲစခန္းႏွင့္ အနီးအနားရွိရြာမ်ား၊ ေမာင္ေတာ
  • က်ီးကန္းျပင္ (အေနာက္)၊ ၀ါးပိတ္၊ ဆင္ေသျပင္ (ေလာင္းဒံု)ႏွင့္ ငါးခူရ (ေျပာင္းျပစ္)ေက်းရြာမ်ား၊ ေမာင္ေတာ
  • စစ္ေတြရွိ ခ်င္းလူမ်ိဳးစုအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္း
  • ရခိုင္ကိစၥညိႇႏိႈင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား
  • လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္သူမ်ား
  • ေရႊေစတီဆရာေတာ္

မြန္ျပည္နယ္

  • ဇင္းက်ိဳက္ ကုန္ထုတ္စခန္းတြင္ အက်ဥ္းက်ထိန္းသိမ္းထားခံရသူမ်ား

အရပ္ဘက္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား

  • ေရွ႕ေနမ်ား
  • ေျမယာအသံုးစုေရးျပႆနာ၊ ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးျပႆနာ၊ အမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ား အခြင့္အေရးႏွင့္ က်ား/မျပႆနာ၊ လူငယ္ျပႆနာ၊ အလုပ္သမားျပႆနာ၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ႏွင့္ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ကိုးကြယ္ခြင့္ကိစၥ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသူမ်ား
  • အျပည္ျပည္ဆိုင္ရာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကိစၥေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည့္ အစိုးရမဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း မ်ားမွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား
  • မတူကြဲျပားျခားနားမႈႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားညီညြတ္ေရးဌာန

တျခားအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား

  • ျပည္တြင္းကုလသမဂၢအဖြဲ႔စည္းမ်ား
  • သံတမန္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား
  • ရခိုင္ေရးရာပတ္သက္မႈရွိေသာ သံတမန္အႀကီးအကဲမ်ား
  • အာစီယံႏုိင္ငံသံ႐ံုး အႀကီးအကဲမ်ား

အင္းစိန္အက်ဥ္းေထာင္

  • လွဘုန္း
  • ထင္ေက်ာ္
  • မ်ိဳးရန္ေနာင္သိန္း

စစ္ေတြအက်ဥ္းေထာင္

  • ခိုင္မ်ိဳးထြန္း
  • တရားမ၀င္သင္းဖြဲ႔ဥပေဒပုဒ္မ ၁၇(၁)အရ ထိန္းသိမ္းခံေနရသူမ်ား

ဘူးသီးေတာင္အက်ဥ္းေထာင္

  • လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္သူမ်ားအား တိုက္ခိုက္မႈျဖင့္ ထိန္းသိမ္းထားသူမ်ား

End of Mission Statement by Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar

Yangon, 20 January 2017

Thank you for the opportunity to address you this evening. As you know I have just completed a 12-day visit to Myanmar and have visited parts of Kachin, Rakhine and Mon States as well as Yangon and Nay Pyi Taw. In Kachin, I stayed one night in Myitkyina as I was not allowed to go to Laiza and Hpakant. In Rakhine, I went to Koe Tan Kauk in Rathedaung; Buthidaung prison; and four villages in Maungdaw north. I met with IDPs in Myitkyina, and in Koe Tan Kauk, and Maungdaw – I also visited Sittwe prison. During this trip, I visited for the first time a hard labour camp, in Mon State. In Nay Pyi Taw, I met with the State Counsellor as well as Government ministers of all the ministries I had asked to meet except for two. One was away and another ministry declined to see me as did the Commander-in-Chief. I also met with the Attorney General, as well as Governmental and Parliamentary Committees.  I will elaborate further on the issues I touch upon in this statement in my report to the Human Rights Council in March. For now, let me share with you my immediate impressions and observations.

There is one word that has hung heavily on my mind during this visit – reprisals. In every one of my visits and in every one of my meetings, I ask the Government of Myanmar to ensure that the people I speak to and even work with, do not suffer reprisals for speaking out on rights issues or expressing their opinions. Yet, distressingly several people I met during this visit would say to me, “I don’t know what will happen to me after our meeting.” In one case, an individual directly told me they thought they would be arrested following our conversation. In another village, where there were more than two communities living separately but side by side, I asked if that person was comfortable talking to me. The response: “I am afraid I will not give the right answer.”

I recall during my preparations before arriving, the news broke of a man having been beheaded – his only crime was apparently to have an opinion and to voice that opinion out loud. In fact, we still do not know the full circumstances leading to that man being beheaded. But the message is clear. Do not express yourself. Do not speak your mind if your opinion or position does not fit or support the narrative and agenda of those who have no qualms in how you live or die. Sadly, this is not an isolated incident. Reportedly, there are at least four more cases of beheadings.

Knowing that by talking to directly affected community members, I could in fact place them and their family’s lives at risk. Yet even more distressing is that many of those I speak to tell me they are willing to take the risk – they see speaking out as their only hope for change and want desperately for the rest of the world to be aware of the situation that they are in. As such I feel a greater responsibility to listen and give a voice to potential victims of human rights violations.  It is also a stark indicator that, whilst there have been positive developments in Myanmar, there is still a long way to go to achieve a society where individuals are free to share what has happened to them, to speak their mind, and to live peacefully without fear.

I know many of you here want to hear from me about the situation in Rakhine state, and several of these examples are from this state. I will of course get to Rakhine in more detail. However, I want to start, as I started my visit this time, with the extremely worrying situation in Kachin State, as well as in the north of Shan State. The plight of people in this area is too often overlooked, but sadly, here too, people are suffering and the hope generated by the outcome of the 2015 elections is starting to wane. As you know, for the last three visits I have asked to go to Rakhine, Kachin and northern Shan without fail. Due to time constraints imposed, I made the decision to limit my visit to Kachin and Rakhine.

I pushed hard to go to Laiza and Hpakant. In the past, I had always asked to go to Laiza but access was never granted. My predecessor in his last country visit had gone to Laiza area as had a high-ranking UN official more recently. Yet I was denied access for the fifth time due to security reasons. I also pushed hard to go to Hpakant. This is a Government-controlled area, but like Laiza, the Government did not confirm or deny access until the last minute. The reasons given for the refusal by the State government did not match those given by the Union Government. Furthermore, later that day, I met local interlocutors who had travelled all the way from Hpakant – a 5-6 hour journey to Myitkyina – to share with me their concerns and fears. The explanation I was given by the Government was that, as a ‘special guest,’ the Government was concerned about my security; and as a special guest, I would be apparently particularly targeted.

It is evident that the situation in Kachin and at the northern borders is deteriorating. Those in Kachin State tell me that the conditions have deteriorated – that the situation is now worse than at any point in the past few years. Whilst I was not able to travel to the areas most severely affected, the situation is now such that even in Myitkyina, the capital of the state and home to over 300,000 people, residents are afraid – and now stay home after dark.

I have heard that in active conflict areas the situation is far worse. I met a family who was displaced from Zai Awng IDP camp after shells fell nearby – they had fled in terror and resorted to digging a hole in the forest to stay in at night for six days whilst they tried to gather the funds needed to escape the area – six days in a hole with four children, the youngest a few months old and another only two. I heard after my visit, that some of those from the Zai Awng camp were displaced for a third time. These people have done nothing wrong, yet they suffer, merely because they live in an area, where others fight. When I raised this case with the State Government, and by state government meaning the military side, the response was again denial – I was told the IDP camp did not exist, as I was told before that in Kutkai there were no IDPs either.

Like I always do during my visits to Myanmar, I made a point of going to several places of detention during this trip; and when I was not allowed access to Laiza and Hpakant, I asked to make a day trip from Yangon to a hard labour camp [officially called a production camp] in Zin Gyaik, Mon State.  And as I always do in places of detention, I asked to meet those who are being held there in addition to making a site visit and observing the conditions of detention.

Some whom I met at the hard labour camp said they were afraid of what would happen to them after speaking to me. And a few described how they had the previous three days “off” from their usual hard labour work to clean their living and sleeping quarters as a “VIP was coming.” While some of the facilities appeared better than other prisons I have visited, major concerns from that visit to the hard labour camp are the use of shackles as a form of additional punishment (including while working in the quarry) as well as the lack of transparency and information shared with the prisoners regarding their selection and transfer from another prison to the hard labour camp. I also have a concern about the lack of an independent complaint system for the prisoners at this hard labour camp but unfortunately this is the case in all prison camps in Myanmar.

Besides the hard labour camp, I also visited Insein prison in Yangon, and Buthidaung and Sittwe prisons in Rakhine State. In these prisons, I met prisoners and detainees who were charged (and convicted) for criticising high-level Government or military officials, for raising human rights issues, for filing court cases against the Government and for not meeting the rules for peaceful assembly in attempts to express their concerns for the Government’s attention. I have received reports that over 40 people are now facing prosecution for defamation under section 66 (d) of the Telecommunications Law – many of them merely for speaking their minds. In other meetings, lawyers taking on sensitive cases, reported harassment and even prosecution. I visited a Chin community in Sittwe. This community had raised an issue about limited drainage with their local authority, and in response an adjacent community built a road block at the entrance of the 11 Chin households. For nine months, the main access road for these 11 households was blocked despite complaints brought by the Chin community to the relevant authorities.

In Rakhine State, I asked to meet with some of those who had been arrested and detained for allegedly playing a role, active or supporting, in the armed attacks against the security forces in early October and mid-November. Except for one suspect whose family knew that the detainee had rights and sought a lawyer for him, the other prisoners did not have legal representation. They did not seem informed of the charges, if any, against them apart from being aware that they could be suspected of being associated with the attackers against the Border Guard posts on 9 October. Some had not been in communication with their family for the 2-3 months since they had been arrested. I further noted that their families – were not informed of their arrest or the location of where they were detained causing untold distress for family members. One suspect was certain that his family would think that he was dead and during my visit to villages in Maungdaw, I met women whose husbands were in their words ‘taken away’ whom they believed would never come back. The prison officials told me that there are more than 450 individuals detained in Buthidaung in relation to the attack – meaning many families unaware and uninformed of this detention fearing that they will never see their loved ones again.

What has been said to me over and over by Government representatives regarding the 9 October attacks is that this was not an inter-communal violence or crisis; that this was a calculated attack against the sovereignty of Myanmar and that the Government rightly launched a security response. The Government described to me how the attacks occurred and I saw the three Border Guard posts concerned. I deplore these attacks carried out in a brutal manner and I convey my deepest condolences to the families of those killed.

Whilst authorities are required to respond to such attacks – the response must be carried out within the parameters of the rule of law and in full compliance with human rights. I saw with my own eyes the structures that were burnt down in Wa Peik, and it is hard for me to believe that these are consequent to actions taken in a hurry or haphazardly. I was told by the Government officials – as had been reported – that it was the villagers who had burnt down their own houses. And the reason they would burn down their own houses was because these houses were of poor quality; and by burning down their own houses, they can expect to get international actors to come in and help build better houses. The authorities offered no evidence for this, and I find this argument quite incredible.

Considering the policy of systematic and institutionalised discrimination against the Rohingya with limited access to education and healthcare services – basic services that the international actors have been ready to supply but blocked from providing, it would be quite far-fetched for them to suddenly think that the authorities would allow international actors to help build them better houses. The alternative argument given by the authorities was that this was part of the Rohingya villagers’ propaganda campaign to put the security services in a bad light. Again, I find it quite incredible that these desperate people are willing to burn down their own houses (where they may have lived for generations) to be without a home, potentially displaced, for five years or more like those in Sittwe, just to give the Government a bad name.

I must remind again that these attacks took place within the context of decades of systematic and institutionalised discrimination against the Rohingya population. Desperate individuals take desperate actions. And while such desperate actions in this case are not justified in any way, I do believe if the affected population had felt that the new Government would start addressing their situation and grievances, then extreme elements would not have easily been able to hijack their cause.

When the allegations of human rights violations consequent to the security operations started surfacing, the Government’s immediate response was to deny them. Even when a scientifically-based analysis of the burning and destruction of houses was presented, the immediate response was dismissal. Perhaps some of the portrayal of the situation may have been sensationalised. In fact at least one media outlet had reported that my access was blocked in Rakhine when this was not entirely true. But for the Government to continue being defensive when allegations of serious human rights violations are persistently reported, that is when the Government appears less and less credible. This perception is then reinforced when a video clip of the Myanmar Police personnel beating men – and children – who were rounded up during the clearance operations went viral. While the authorities may have swiftly responded in this case by arresting some of those captured in the video, it highlights the possibility that such treatment of the local population by the security personnel may not be an isolated incident but rather a more common practice.

Over and over it has been said that trust needs to be built between the two communities in Rakhine State; that they need to learn to live together again, as they had done for decades before. But I believe another important relationship that requires trust building is the relationship between the people and the Government, particularly with the security forces in this instance. By conducting a security operations with seemingly little regard for the rights and dignity of the majority population residing in the affected areas, the security forces have further weakened the trust the Muslim population had cautiously put into the new Government. It should not be a surprise, in this context, that many from among the Rohingya population have not welcomed the announcement of the resumption of the citizenship verification exercise and resumption of the issuance of the Identity Card for National Verification subsequent to the expiry of the TRC (Temporary Registration Card). The timing of this announcement while security operations are still on-going is concerning. Furthermore there has been no progress on the fundamental issues which have plagued previous attempts at conducting a citizenship verification exercise under the 1982 Citizenship Law. It is evident that clear, timely and accessible information needs to be provided and further consultation undertaken. A fundamental problem still remains however when individuals who received citizenship in the last verification exercise are still not able to enjoy their rights as citizens. The situation in Myebon, where those granted citizenship remain subject to limitations, is a case in point.

Data and evidence is important here, and in order to assess, evaluate and respond to those needs, we need technical experts to help provide the most feasible response. We cannot make a broad assumption for example that there is no malnutrition in an area as the government-appointed investigation commission did – simply because the conditions for fishing or farming are favourable there. When there are available relevant data which had been obtained through a rigorous method by experts in their field, then the government should consult such data.

Humanitarian actors are mandated to use their expertise to help suffering individuals but are currently being prevented from doing so by the Government. In Kachin and Shan States as well as in the north of Rakhine, humanitarian access is worse now than it was when I last visited, with access shrinking month on month and is subject to ever increasing bureaucratic hurdles. Access is slowly starting to improve in the North of Rakhine state, but it remains mostly limited to national staff, with international staff unable to do their jobs.

The government’s response to all of these problems seems to currently be to defend, dismiss and deny. And this response is not only counterproductive but is draining away the hope that had been sweeping the country. But I do believe it is not too late to reverse this trend, and during my visit, I also met many people who are doing their best in very difficult situations. I met groups working tirelessly to bring communities together. I was pleased to see many new public servants growing into their roles despite the constraints of an institutional structure that is far from perfect. Several ministry and local officials were keen to discuss the problems they face and were open to considering new ideas. This sense of openness and adaptability needs to be nurtured and spread.

It pains me to see when talking to the ordinary people of Myanmar during this visit their feelings of optimism and hope slowly fading just after one year when the whole country was elated with the outcome of the last general elections. From my meetings and conversations with the State Counsellor and the various officials, I can see their genuine commitment and dedication in improving the lives of all in Myanmar. Somehow this commitment has yet to translate into real actions that are felt on the ground. I encourage the Government to appeal to all communities in the country to be more open and understanding of each other, to respect each other instead of scapegoating others for the sake of advancing their own self-interests. It would be particularly important for the security forces to always act within the parameters of the rule of law and in compliance with human rights. It would be crucial for the Government to combat the apparent climate of impunity that seem to have emboldened certain extreme elements by taking the law into their own hands and meting out their own justice. There must be accountability and justice must be done and seen to be done to reassure the ordinary people that no one is above the law.

I would like for the Government, the military side including, to be open and accepting of the offer of assistance from other international actors, particularly the UN that always stand ready to support the successful democratic transition of Myanmar. I take this opportunity to thank the Government for its invitation and for maintaining cooperation with my mandate. I particularly would like to note with appreciation the efforts made to ensure my safety and that of my team. I would also like to thank the United Nations Country Team for their support and assistance.

As I have repeatedly said in the past, I stand ready to assist in the journey towards a more free and democratic Myanmar.

Annex – List of Meetings

Union Government Officials

  • State Counsellor, Union Minister for Foreign Affairs, Minister in the President’s Office
  • Union Minister, State Counsellor’s Office; Working Committee for Cooperation with United Nations Agencies and International Organizations
  • Union Minister of Defence
  • Union Minister of Border Affairs; Central Committee for the Implementation of Stability, Peace and Development of Rakhine State
  • Union Minister of Labour, Immigration and Population
  • Union Minister of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement; National Disaster Management Committee
  • Union Attorney General
  • Union Minister of Ethnic Affairs
  • Union Minister of Education
  • Union Minister of Information
  • Union Minister of Home Affairs
  • Permanent Secretary of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation

Parliament

  • Bills Committee of the Amyotha Hluttaw and Pyithu Hluttaw
  • Fundamental Rights, Democracy and Human Rights Committee of the Amyotha Hluttaw and Pyithu Hluttaw
  • Women and Children’s Rights Committee of the Amoytha Hluttaw
  • Chair and members of the Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission

Other institutions/bodies

  • Myanmar National Human Rights Commission
  • Myanmar Press Council
  • Members of the Peace Commission of the National Peace and Reconciliation Center
  • Central Committee on Confiscated Farmlands and Other Lands
  • Union Investigation Commission on Maungdaw

Kachin State

  • Chief Minister and representatives of the Kachin State Government
  • Civil society actors working on the peace process; jade mining and extractive industries; humanitarian assistance to IDPs
  • Jan Mai Kawng Roman Catholic IDP Camp
  • Maina Kachin Baptist Church IDP Camp
  • Maina Roman Catholic IDP Camp

Rakhine State

  • Chief Minister and representatives of the Rakhine State Government
  • Muslim community in Aung Mingalar, Sittwe
  • Mro IDPs in Shwe Baho Monastery
  • Koe Tan Kauk BGP post, Rathedaung
  • Muslim and Rakhine villages and Muslim IDP camp in Chain Khali, Rathedaung
  • Kyee Kan Pyin Border Guard Headquarters
  • Nga Kyu Ya Border Guard Post and neighbouring villages in Maungdaw
  • Kyee Kan Pyin West, Wa Peik, Sin Thay Pint (Laung Don) and Ngar Sa Kyu (Pyaung Pyit) villages in Maungdaw
  • Chin community in Sittwe
  • Representatives of the Rakhine Coordination Group
  • Human rights defenders
  • Shwe Zedi Abbot

Mon State

  • Individuals detained in Zin Gyaik Production Camp

Civil society actors

  • Lawyers
  • Actors working on land rights issues; environmental issues; women’s rights and gender issues; youth issues; labour rights issues; peace process; freedom of religion
  • Representatives of international human rights non-governmental organizations
  • Center for Diversity and National Harmony

Others

  • Members of the United Nations Country Team
  • Representatives of the diplomatic community
  • Rakhine Heads of Missions Group
  • ASEAN Heads of Missions

Insein Prison

  • Hla Phone
  • Htin Kyaw
  • Myo Yan Naung Thein

Sittwe Prison

  • Khaing Myo Htun
  • Individuals detained under section 17 (1) of the Unlawful Associations Act

Buthidaung Prison

  • Individuals detained in relation to the attacks on security forces

Temporary Job Opening at UNIC Yangon: Library Assistant

Please be advised that there is a temporary job opening (TJO) number 70282 for the position of Library Assistant at the G-6 level in the United Nations Information Centre (UNIC) in Yangon with a deadline of 3 February 2017, for an initial period of six months, with the possibility of extension.

Eligible candidates MUST complete and submit their applications in Inspira in order to apply. The instructions to search and apply for UNIC TJOs are  available here.

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MEDIA. BRIEFING BY THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR ON THE SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN MYANMAR

The Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, Prof. Yanghee Lee was on an official mission to Myanmar from 9 to 20 January 2017.

At the end of her mission, Professor Yanghee Lee will be briefing the media.

Date: 20 January 2017
Time : 19:00 to 20:00 hrs.
Venue: Chatrium Hotel Ballroom 2.

There is no need to pre-register. Media will be allowed in on presentation of valid media ID.

For further information please contact: U Aye Win (travelling with the Special Rapporteur). Mobile: 09 421060343, Email, wina@un.org.